The History of the Lombards or the History of the Langobards (Latin: Historia Langobardorum) is the chief work by Paul the Deacon, written in the late 8th century. This incomplete history in six books was written after 787 and at any rate no later than 796, maybe at Montecassino. It covers the story of the Lombards from their mythical origins to the death of King Liutprand in 743, and contains much information about the Byzantine empire, the Franks, and others. The story is told from the point of view of a Lombard patriot and is especially valuable for the relations between the Franks and the Lombards. Paul used the document called the Origo gentis Langobardorum, the Liber pontificalis, the lost history of Secundus of Trent, and the lost annals of Benevento; he made a free use of Bede, Gregory of Tours and Isidore of Seville.
The Kings of the Lombards
Ibor and Aio (Brothers and co-chieftains)
|
Agelmund
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Lamisso
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Lethu
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Hildeoc
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Gudeoc
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Claffo
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Tato
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Waccho
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Waltari
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Audoin
|
Alboin
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(10 year reign of a group of dukes after Alboin's murder – other sources give the time period as 12
years)
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Authari
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Agilulf (Ago)
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Adaloald
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Arioald
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Rothari
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Rodoald
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Aripert
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Perctarit and Godepert (Brothers and co-rulers)
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Grimuald
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Garibald
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Perctarit
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Cunincpert
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Alahis
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Cuninicpert (reclaims his throne from Alahis)
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Liutpert
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Raginpert
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Aripert
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Liutprand
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Hildeprand
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Aistulf
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Ratchis
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Stephan
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Paul
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Desiderius (The Last Langobard King)
Book 1
BOOK I.
Chapter I
The region of the north, in proportion as it is removed from the heat of the sun and is chilled with snow
and frost, is so much the more healthful to the bodies of men and fitted for the propagation of nations,
just as, on the other hand, every southern region, the nearer it is to the heat of the sun, the more it
abounds in diseases and is less fitted for the bringing up of the human race. From this it happens that
such great multitudes of peoples spring up in the north, and that that entire region from the Tanais (Don)
to the west [1] (although single places in it are designated by their own names) yet the whole is not
improperly called by the general name of Germany. [2] The Romans, however, when they occupied those parts, called the two provinces beyond the Rhine, Upper and Lower Germany. [3] From this teeming
Germany then, innumerable troops of captives are often led away and sold for gain to the people of the
South. And for the reason that it brings forth so many human beings that it can scarcely nourish them,
there have frequently emigrated from it many nations that have indeed become the scourge of portions of
Asia, but especially of the parts of Europe which lie next to it. Everywhere ruined cities throughout all
Illyria and Gaul testify to this, but most of all in unhappy Italy which has felt the cruel rage of nearly all
these nations. The Goths indeed, and the Wandals, the Rugii, Heroli, and Turcilingi, [4] and also other
fierce and barbarous nations have come from Germany. In like manner also the race of Winnili, [5] that
is, of Langobards, which afterwards ruled prosperously in Italy, deducing its origin from the German
peoples, came from the island which is called Scadinavia, [6] although other causes of their emigration
[7] are also alleged. [8]
*Notes
[1] Paul's designation of the whole region from the Don to the west, as Germany, which is wholly
incorrect, appears, according to Mommsen (p. 61), to have come from his misinterpretation of the words
of his authority, Isidore of Seville.
[2] Paul appears to deduce the name "Germany" from germinare to germinate. Cf. Isidore, Etym., XIV, 4,
2. This fanciful derivation is quite different from that given by Tacitus (Germania, II), who derives it
from the name of a single tribe afterwards called the Tungrians, who were the first to cross the Rhine and
drive out the Gauls.
[3] " Beyond the Rhine" means in this case on the left bank of the Rhine. The dividing line between
Upper and Lower Germany ran a little below the junction of the Rhine with the Moselle. Mogontiacum
(Mayence) was the capital of Upper Germany, and Vetera (Birten) near Wesel, of Lower Germany.
(Mommsen's Geschichte des romischen Reichs, V, pp. 107—109). Although these two provinces
included at various times more or less territory on the east side of that river, it was only a small part of
Germany which was thus occupied by the Romans. Germania Magna, or Great Germany, east of the
Rhine, remained independent.
[4] The Rugii and Turcilingi were tribes first mentioned as inhabiting the shores of the Baltic sea (Zeuss,
154-155). They were subsequently found in the army of Attila and afterwards dwelling on the Danube.
The Heroli were a migratory people appearing at different times in various parts of Europe (Zeuss, 476).
All three of these tribes were among the troops of Odoacar in Italy. As to the Heroli and Rugii see infra,
chs. 19 and 20.
[5] The word means '' eager for battle '' according to Bruckner (322). According to Schmidt (37) it is
related to the Gothic "vinja", " pasture."
[6] That Paul wrote Scadinavia and not Scandinavia see Mommsen, 62, note i. In the Langobard Origo
(see Appendix, II) the name is given as Scadan, Scandanan or Scadanan; in the Chronicon dothaniim, it
is Scatenauge (Mon. Germ. Hist. Leges IV, p. 642). Paul appears to have transformed this into
Scadinavia from Pliny's Natural History (Book IV, ch. 27, p. 823, Delphin ed.)
[7] Than over population (Jacobi, 12).
[8] The other causes of the emigration of the Winnili may be those suggested in the Chronicon
Gothanum where the prophetess or sibyl Gambara "declared to them their migration." "Moved therefore
not by necessity, nor hardness of heart, nor oppression of the poor, but that they should attain salvation
from on high, she says that they are to go forth." (Monument, Germ. Hist. Leges, IV, 641.).
Chapter II.
Pliny the Second also makes mention of this island in the books which he composed concerning the
nature of things. This island then, as those who have examined it have related to us, is not so much
placed in the sea as it is washed about by the sea waves which encompass the land on account of the
flatness of the shores.[1] Since, therefore, the peoples established within the island had grown to so great
a multitude that they could not now dwell together, they divided their whole troop into three parts, as is
said, and determined by lot which part of them had to forsake their country and seek new abodes.[2]
*
[1] What Paul meant by this island is hard to decide (Jacobi, 11). Hammerstein (Bardengau, 51) has
pointed out that in the Middle Ages the territory in the north of Germany, between the North and the
Baltic seas, was included under the name of Scandinavia, and claims that Paul referred to the so-called
Bardengau, a tract in Northern Germany, southeast of Hamburg. But the fact that Paul calls upon Pliny is
a proof that he had no definite idea of Scadinavia, and notwithstanding the extensive movement of the
tide upon the Elbe and the important changes on the coast, it can hardly be said of Bardengau that it was
"surrounded" by sea waves. Bluhme (Die Gens Langobardonum und ihre Herkunft), without sufficient
reason, identifies the northernmost part of the Cimbrian peninsula, the so-called Wendsyssel, with
Scadinavia. (See Schmidt, 36). Schmidt (38 to 42) reviews the classical authorities, Mela, Pliny and
Ptolemy, as well as Jordanes, the Geographer of Ravenna, and the Song of Beowulf, and concludes that
the word refers to the Scandinavian peninsula which was then considered an island; but he rejects the
tradition that the Langobards actually migrated from Sweden to Germany, since he considers that they
belonged to the West-German stock, which in all probability came from the south-east, while only NorthGermans (that is, those races which were found settled in Scandinavia in historical times) appear to have
come from that peninsula. It is probable, however, that the Langobards came from North-German stock
(Bruckner, 25-32), and while there can be no certainty whatever as to the place of their origin, it may
well have been Scandinavia.
[2] The choosing by lot of a part of the people for emigration in the case of a famine is a characteristic
peculiar to German folk-tales (Schmidt, 42).
Chapter III.
Therefore that section to which fate had assigned the abandonment of their native soil and the search for
foreign fields, after two leaders had been appointed over them, to wit: Ibor and Aio,[1] who were
brothers, in the bloom of youthful vigor and more eminent than the rest, said farewell to their own
people, as well as their country, and set out upon their way to seek for lands where they might dwell and
establish their abodes. The mother of these leaders, Gambara by name, [2] was a woman of the keenest
ability and most prudent in counsel among her people, and they trusted not a little to her shrewdness in
doubtful matters.
*
[1] Ibor and Aio were called by Prosper of Aquitaine, Iborea and Agio ; Saxo-Grammaticus calls them
Ebbo and Aggo ; the popular song of Gothland (Rethmann, 342), Ebbe and Aaghe (Wiese, 14).
[2] The word 'gambar', according to Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, I, 336), is the equivalent of 'strenuus'.
Chapter IV.
I do not think it is without advantage to put off for a little while the order of my narrative, and because
my pen up to this time deals with Germany, to relate briefly a miracle which is there considered notable
among all, as well as certain other matters. In the farthest boundaries of Germany toward the west-northwest, on the shore of the ocean itself, a cave is seen under a projecting rock, where for an unknown time
seven men repose wrapped in a long sleep,[1] not only their bodies, but also their clothes being so
uninjured, that from this fact alone, that they last without decay through the course of so many years,
they are held in veneration among those ignorant and barbarous peoples. These then, so far as regards
their dress, are perceived to be Romans. When a certain man, stirred by cupidity, wanted to strip one of
them, straightway his arms withered, as is said, and his punishment so frightened the others that no one
dared touch them further. The future will show for what useful purpose Divine Providence keeps them
through so long a period. Perhaps those nations are to be saved some time by the preaching of these men,
since they cannot be deemed to be other than Christians.
*
[1] This is the version by Paul of the story of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus. The earliest version is that
of Jacobus Sarugiensis, a bishop of Mesopotamia in the fifth or sixth century. Gregory of Tours was
perhaps the first to introduce the legend into Europe. Mohammed put it into the Koran; he made the
sleepers prophesy his own coming and he gave them the dog Kratin also endowed with the gift of
prophecy. The commonly accepted legend was, however, that the Seven Sleepers were natives of
Ephesus, that the emperor Decius (A. D. 250), having come to that city, commanded that the Christians
should be sought out and given their choice, either to worship the Roman deities or die; that these seven
men took refuge in a cave near the city; that the entrance to the cave was, by command of Uecius,
blocked up with stone; that they fell into a preternatural sleep, and that two hundred years later, under
Theodosius II (A. U. 408—450), the cave was opened and the sleepers awoke. When one of them went to
the city stealthily to buy provisions for the rest he found that the place was much changed, that his coins
were no longer current, and that Christianity had been accepted by the rulers and the people. The original
legend relates, however, that after awakening they died (Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, S. BaringGould, p. 93). It is not known from what source Paul derived his version of the story.
Book 1
Chapter V.
The Scritobini, for thus that nation is called, are neighbors to this place. They are not without snow even
in the summer time, and since they do not differ in nature from wild beasts themselves, they feed only
upon the raw flesh of wild animals from whose shaggy skins also they fit garments for themselves. [1]
They deduce the etymology of their name [2] according to their barbarous language from jumping. For
by making use of leaps and bounds they pursue wild beasts very skillfully with a piece of wood bent in
the likeness of a bow. Among them there is an animal not very unlike a stag, [3] from whose hide, while
it was rough with hairs, I saw a coat fitted in the manner of a tunic down to the knees, such as the
aforesaid Scritobini use, as has been related. In these places about the summer solstice, a very bright light
is seen for some days, even in the night time, and the days are much longer there than elsewhere, just as,
on the other hand, about the winter solstice, although the light of day is present, yet the sun is not seen
there and the days are shorter than anywhere else and the nights too are longer, and this is because the
further we turn from the sun the nearer the sun itself appears to the earth and the longer the shadows
grow. In short, in Italy (as the ancients also have written) about the day of the birth of our Lord, human
statures at twelve o'clock measure in shadow nine feet. But when I was stationed in Belgic Gaul in a
place which is called Villa Totonis (Dietenhofen, Thionville [4]) and measured the shadow of my stature,
I found it nineteen and a half feet. Thus also on the contrary the nearer we come to the sun toward
midday the shorter always appear the shadows, so much so that at the summer solstice when the sun
looks down from the midst of heaven in Egypt and Jerusalem and the places situated in their
neighborhood, no shadows may be seen. But in Arabia at this same time the sun at its highest point is
seen on the northern side and the shadows on the other hand appear towards the south.
[1] What is said about the Scritobini (or Scridefinni) can be traced to one and the same source as the
account of Thule given in Procopius' Gothic War, II, 13, or of Scandza in Jordanes' Gothic History, 3;
see Zeuss, 684.
[2] Perhaps from schreitcii, " to stride," or some kindred word.
[3] A reindeer (Waitz).
[4] On the Moselle, where Charlemagne held his court.
Chapter VI.
Not very far from this shore of which we have spoken, toward the western side, on which the ocean main
lies open without end, is that very deep whirlpool of waters which we call by its familiar name " the
navel of the sea." This is said to suck in the waves and spew them forth again twice every day, as is
proved to be done by the excessive swiftness with which the waves advance and recede along all those
shores. A whirlpool or maelstrom of this kind is called by the poet Virgil "Charybdis" which he says in
his poem [1] is in the Sicilian strait, speaking of it in this way:
"Scylla the right hand besets, and the left, the relentless Charybdis; Thrice in the whirl of the deepest
abyss it swallows the vast waves Headlong, and lifts them again in turn one after another Forth to the
upper air, and lashes the stars with the bellows".
Ships are alleged to be often violently and swiftly dragged in by this whirlpool (of which indeed we have
spoken) with such speed that they seem to imitate the fall of arrows through the air, and sometimes they
perish by a very dreadful end in that abyss. But often when they are upon the very point of being
overwhelmed they are hurled back by the sudden masses of waves and driven away again with as great
speed as they were first drawn in. They say there is another whirlpool of this kind between the island of
Britain and the province of Galicia, [2] and with this fact the coasts of the Seine region and of Aquitaine
agree, for they are filled twice a day with such sudden inundations that any one who may by chance be
found only a little inward from the shore can hardly get away. You may see the rivers of these regions
falling back with a very swift current toward their source, and the fresh waters of the streams turning salt
through the spaces of many miles. The island of Evodia (Alderney) is almost thirty miles distant from the
coast of the Seine region, and in this island, as its inhabitants declare, is heard the noise of the waters as
they sweep into this Charybdis. I have heard a certain high nobleman of the Gauls relating that a number
of ships, shattered at first by a tempest, were afterwards devoured by this same Charybdis. And when one
only out of all the men who had been in these ships, still breathing, swam over the waves, while the rest
were dying, he came, swept by the force of the receding waters, up to the edge of that most frightful
abyss. And when now he beheld yawning before him the deep chaos whose end he could not see, and
half dead from very fear, expected to be hurled into it, suddenly in a way that he could not have hoped he
was cast upon a certain rock and sat him down. And now when all the waters that were to be swallowed
had run down, the margins of that edge (of the abyss) had been left bare, and while he sat there with
difficulty, trembling with fear and filled with foreboding amid so many distresses, nor could he hide at
all from his sight the death that was a little while deferred, behold he suddenly sees, as it were, great
mountains of water leaping up from the deep and the first ships which had been sucked in coming forth
again ! And when one of these came near him he grasped it with what effort he could, and without delay,
he was carried in swift flight toward the shore and escaped the fate of death, living afterwards to tell the
story of his peril. Our own sea also, that is, the Adriatic, which spreads in like manner, though less
violently, through the coasts of Venetia and Istria, is believed to have little secret currents of this kind by
which the receding waters are sucked in and vomited out again to dash upon the shores. These things
having been thus examined, let us go back to the order of our narrative already begun.
[1] Aeneid, VII, 420.
[2] In the northwestern part of Spain. Many manuscripts read "the province of Gaul." Evidently Paul's
knowledge of the geography of these parts is most obscure.
Chapter VII.
The Winnili then, having departed from Scandinavia with their leaders Ibor and Aio, and coming into the
region which is called Scoringa,[1] settled there for some years. At that time Ambri and Assi, leaders of
the Wandals, were coercing all the neighboring by war. Already elated by many victories they sent
messengers to the Winnili to tell them that they should either pay tribute to the Wandals [2] or make
ready for the struggles of war. Then Ibor and Aio, with the approval of their mother Gambara, determine
that it is better to maintain liberty by arms than to stain it by the payment of tribute. They send word to
the Wandals by messengers that they will rather fight than be slaves. The Winnili were then all in the
flower of their youth, but were very few in number since they had been only the third part of one island
of no great size.[3]
[1] Scoringa, according to Miillenhoff's explanation in which Bluhme concurs, is " Shoreland " (see
Schmidt, 43). Bluhme considers it identical with the later Bardengau, on the left bank of the lower Elbe
where the town of Bardowick, twenty-four miles southeast of Hamburg, perpetuates the name of the
Langobards even down to the present time. Hammerstein (Bardengau, 56) explains Scoringa as
Schieringen near Bleckede in the same region. Schmidt (43) believes that the settlement in Scoringa has
a historical basis and certainly, if the name indicates the territory in question, it is the place where the
Langobards are first found in authentic history. They are mentioned in connection with the campaigns
undertaken by Tiberius against various German tribes during' the reign of Augustus in the fifth and sixth
year of the Christian era, in the effort to extend the frontiers of the Roman empire from the Rhine to the
Elbe (Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, V, 33). The Langobards then dwelt in that region which lies
between the Weser and the lower Elbe. They were described by the court historian Velleius Paterculus
(II, 106), who accompanied one of the expeditions as prefect of cavalry (Schmidt, 5), as "more fierce
than ordinary German savagery,'' and he tells us that their power was broken by the legions of Tiberius. It
would appear also from the combined testimony of Strabo (A. D. 20) and Tacitus (A, D. 117) that the
Langobards dwelt near the mouth of the Elbe shortly after the beginning of the Christian era, and were in
frequent and close relations with the Hermunduri and Semnones, two great Suevic tribes dwelling-
higher up the stream. Strabo (see Hodgkin, V, 81) evidently means to assert that in his time the
Hermunduri and Langobards had been driven from the left to the right bank. Ptolemy who wrote later
(100-161) places them upon the left bank. Possibly both authors were right for different periods in their
history (Hodgkin, V, 82). The expedition of Tiberius was the high-water mark of Roman invasion on
Teutonic soil, and when a Roman fleet, sailing up the Elbe, established communication with a Roman
army upon the bank of that river, it might well be thought that the designs of Augustus were upon the
point of accomplishment, and that the boundary of the empire was to be traced by connecting the Danube
with the Elbe. The dominions of Marobod, king of the Marcomanni, who was then established in
Bohemia, would break the continuity of this boundary, so the Romans proceeded to invade his territories.
An insurrection, however, suddenly broke out in Illyricum and the presence of the Roman army was
required in that region. So a hasty peace was concluded with Marobod, leaving him the possessions he
already held. It required four successive campaigns and an enormous number of troops (Mommsen,
Rom. Gesch., Vol. V, pp. 35-38) to suppress the revolt. While the Roman veterans were engaged in the
Illyrian war, great numbers of Germans led by Arminius, or Hermann, of the Cheruscan tribe rose in
rebellion. In the ninth year of our era, Varus marched against them at the head of a force composed
largely of new recruits. He was surprised and surrounded in the pathless recesses of the Teutoburg forest
and his army of some twenty thousand men was annihilated (id., pp. 38-44). It is not known whether the
Langobards were among the confederates who thus arrested the conquest of their country by the Roman
army, although they dwelt not far from the scene of this historic battle. They were then considered,
however, to belong to the Suevian stock and were subject, not far from this time, to the king of the
Marcomanni, a Suevian race (id., p. 34; Tacitus Germania, 38-40; Annals, II, 45), and king Marobod
took no part in this war on either side as he had made peace with the Romans. The defeat of Varus was
due largely to his own incompetency and it would not appear to have been irretrievable when the
immense resources of the Roman empire are considered. Still no active offensive operations against the
barbarians were undertaken until after the death of Augustus and the succession of Tiberius, A. D. 14,
when in three campaigns, the great Germanicus thrice invaded Germany, took captive the wife and child
of Arminius, defeated the barbarians in a sanguinary battle, and announced to Rome that in the next
campaign the subjugation of Germany would be complete (Mommsen, id., pp. 44-50). But Tiberius
permitted no further campaign to be undertaken. The losses suffered by the Romans on the sea as well as
on land had been very severe, and whether he was influenced by this fact and by the difficulty of keeping
both Gaul and Germany in subjection if the legions were transferred from the Rhine to the Elbe, or
whether he was actuated by jealousy of Germanicus, and feared the popularity the latter would acquire
by the subjugation of all Germany, cannot now be decided, but he removed that distinguished
commander from the scene of his past triumphs and his future hopes, sent him to the East on a new
mission, left the army on the Rhine divided and without a general-in-chief, and adopted the policy of
keeping that river as the permanent boundary of the empire (id., p. 50-54). Thus the battle in the
Teutoburg forest resulted in the maintenance of German independence and ultimately perhaps in the
overthrow of the Roman empire itself by German barbarians. It marked the beginning of the turn of the
tide in Roman conquest and Roman dominion, for although the empire afterwards grew in other
directions yet behind the dike here erected, the forces gradually collected which were finally to
overwhelm it when it became corrupted with decay. When the legions of Varus were destroyed, the head
of the Roman commander was sent to Marobod and his cooperation solicited. He refused however to join
the confederated German tribes, he sent the head to Rome for funeral honors, and continued to maintain
between the empire and the barbarians, the neutrality he had observed in former wars. This refusal to
unite in the national aspirations for German independence, cost him his throne. " Not only the
Cheruscans and their confederates " says Tacitus (Ann. II, 45) "who had been the ancient soldiery of
Arminius, took arms, but the Semnones and Langobards, both Suevian nations, revolted to him from the
sovereignty of Marobod . . . . The armies (Ch. 46) . . . . were stimulated by reasons of their own, the
Cheruscans and the Langobards fought for their ancient honor or their newly acquired independence, and
the others for increasing their dominion." This occurred in the seventeenth year of our era. Marobod was
finally overthrown, and took refuge in exile with the Romans, and it was not long until Arminius,
accused of aspiring to despotic power, was assassinated by a noble of his own race (Mommsen, id. 54-
56). After his death the internal dissensions among the Cheruscans became so violent that the reigning
family was swept away, and in the year 47 they asked the Romans to send them as their king the one
surviving member of that family, Italirus, the nephew of Arminius, who was born at Rome where he had
been educated as a Roman citizen. Accordingly Italicus, with the approval of the emperor Claudius,
assumed the sovereignty of the Cheruscans. At first he was received with joy, but soon the cry was raised
that with his advent the old liberties of Germany were departing and Roman power was becoming
predominant. A struggle ensued, and he was expelled from the country. Again, the Langobards appear
upon the scene, with sufficient power as it seems to control the destiny of the tribe which, thirty-eight
years before, had been the leader in the struggle for independence, for they restored him to the
sovereignty of which he had been despoiled by his inconstant subjects (Tacitus Annals, XI, 16, 17).
These events and other internal disturbances injured the Cheruscans so greatly that they soon disappeared
from the field of political activity (Mommsen, id., 132). During the generations that followed there was
doubtless many a change in the power, the territories and even the names of the various tribes which
inhabited Germania Magna, but for a long time peace was preserved along the frontiers which separated
them from the Roman world (id., p. 133). It is somewhat remarkable that none of those events appear in
the Langobard tradition as contained in the pages of Paul.
[2] Hammerstein (Bardengau, 71) considers the Wends who were the eastern neighbors of the
Langobards, to be the Wandals. Jacobi (13, n. l) thinks Paul is misled by the account of Jordanes of the
struggles of the Vandals and the Goths.
[3] Although it belongs to the legendary period of the Langobards, there may well be some truth in this
statement of the refusal to pay tribute. Tacitus (Germania, 40) speaks of the slender number of the
Langobards and declares that they are renowned because they are so few and, being surrounded by many
powerful nations, protect themselves, not by submission but by the peril of battles. Book 1
Chapter VIII.
At this point, the men of old tell a silly story that the Wandals coming to Godan (Wotan) besought him
for victory over the Winnili and that he answered that he would give the victory to those whom he saw
first at sunrise; that then Gambara went to Frea (Freja) wife of Godan and asked for victory for the
Winnili, and that Frea gave her counsel that the women of the Winnili should take down their hair and
arrange it upon the face like a beard, and that in the early morning they should be present with their
husbands and in like manner station themselves to be seen by Godan from the quarter in which he had
been wont to look through his window toward the east. And so it was done. And when Godan saw them
at sunrise he said: "Who are these long-beards?" And then Frea induced him to give the victory to those
to whom he had given the name.[1] And thus Godan gave the victory to the Winnili. These things are
worthy of laughter and are to be held of no account.[2] For victory is due, not to the power of men, but it
is rather furnished from heaven.
[1] A still livelier description of this scene is given in the '' Origo Gentis Langobardorum'' (see Appendix
11) from which Paul took the story. " When it became bright and the sun was rising, Frea, Godan's wife,
turned the bed around where her husband was lying and put his face toward the east, and awakened him,
and as he looked he saw the Winnili and their wives, how their hair hung about their faces. And he said: "
Who are these longbeards?" Then spoke Frea to Godan: "My lord, thou hast given them the name, now
give them also the victory." Mommsen remarks (pp. 65, 66) that Paul has spoiled the instructive story
why one does better to put his business in the hands of the wife than of the husband, or rather that he has
misunderstood the account. The fable rests upon this, that Godan, according to the position of his bed,
looked toward the west upon awakening, and that the Wandals camped on the west side and the Winnili
upon the east. The true-hearted god could then appropriately promise victory to his Wandal worshippers
in the enigmatical sentence, that he would take the part of those upon whom his eyes should first fall on
the morning of the day of the battle; but as his cunning wife turned his bed around, he and his favorites
were entrapped thereby. This can be easily inferred from the Origo. It may be asked what the women's
hair arranged like a beard has to do with Godan's promise. Evidently, the affair was so planned that the
astonishment of the god should be noted when he looked upon these extraordinary long-beards in place
of the Wandals he had supposed would be there; perhaps indeed his cunning wife thus drew from her
husband an expression which put it beyond doubt that he actually let his glance fall in the morning upon
the Winnili. That the account in the Origo was a Latin translation of a German alliterative epic
poem—see Appendix II.
[2] Paul's narrative of the origin of the name of Langobards gives the best example of the manner in
which he has treated the legends which have come down to him. The transposition of the direct speech
into the indirect, the introduction of the phrase '' to preserve their liberty by arms," and similar classical
phrases, the new style and historical character given to the story, speak for themselves ; but still the
Langobard, in treating of the origin of the proud name could not disown his national character and even
where "the ridiculous story told by the ancients " sets historical treatment at defiance, he still does not
suppress it (Mommsen, 65).
Chapter IX.
It is certain, however, that the Langobards were afterwards so called on account of the length of their
beards untouched by the knife, whereas at first they had been called Winnili; for according to their
language "lang" means " long" and " bart " "beard." [1] Wotan indeed, whom by adding a letter they
called Godan [2] is he who among the Romans is called Mercury, and he is worshiped by all the peoples
of Germany as a god, though he is deemed to have existed, not about these times, but long before, and
not in Germany, but in Greece.
[1] This derivation comes from Isidore of Seville. He says, " The Langobards were commonly so-called
from their flowing and never shaven beards" (Etym., IX, 2, 94, Zeuss, 109). Schmidt, although he
believes (p. 43) that the change of name was a historical fact, rejects (44, note 1) this definition, since he
considers that the earlier name of the people was simply "Biards," to which "lang" was afterwards
prefixed. Another proposed derivation is from the Old High German word barta, an axe, the root which
appears in " halbert" and "partizan" (Hodgkin, V, 84). Another authority. Dr. Lennhard Schmitz (see
Langobardi in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography) argues for its derivation from the
root bord, which we have preserved in the word "sea-board" and he contends that the Langobards
received their name from the long, flat meadows of the Elbe where they had their dwelling. As we adopt
one or the other of these suggestions, the Langobards will have been the long-bearded men, the longhalbert-bearing men, or the long-shore-men. Kodgkin (V, 85) as well as Bruckner (p. 33) prefers the
interpretation given in the text, " Long-beards." Bruckner remarks that the name of the people stands in
close relation to the worship of Wotan who bore the name of the "long-bearded" or "gray-bearded," and
that the Langobard name Ansegranus, " He with the beard of the Gods" showed that the Langobards had
this idea of their chief deity. He further shows that the long halbert or spear was not a characteristic
weapon of the Langobards. He also (p. 30) considers Koegel's opinion (p. 109) that the Langobards
adopted the worship of Wotan from the surrounding peoples after their migration to the Danube is not
admissable, since the neighboring Anglo-Saxons worshiped Wotan long before their migration to Britain
as their highest god. [2] Or Guodan according to other MSS.
Chapter X.
The Winnili therefore, who are also Langobards, having joined battle with the Wandals, struggle fiercely,
since it is for the glory of freedom, and win the victory. And afterwards, having suffered in this same
province of Scoringa, great privation from hunger, their minds were filled with dismay.
Chapter XI.
Departing from this place, while they were arranging to pass over into Mauringa, [1] the Assipitti [2]
block their way, denying to them by every means a passage through their territories. The Langobards
moreover, when they beheld the great forces of their enemies, did not dare engage them on account of the
smallness of their army, and while they were deciding what they ought to do, necessity at length hit upon
a plan. They pretend that they have in their camps Cynocephali, that is, men with dogs' heads. They
spread the rumor among the enemy that these men wage war obstinately, drink human blood and quaff
their own gore if they cannot reach the foe. And to give faith to this assertion, the Langobards spread
their tents wide and kindle a great many fires in their camps. The enemy being made credulous when
these things are heard and seen, dare not now attempt the war they threatened.
[1] Mauringa is mentioned by the Cosmographer of Ravenna (I, 11) as the land east of the Elbe.
Maurungani appears to be another name of the great country of the Elbe which lies '' in front of the
Danes, extends to Dacia and includes Baias, Baiohaim." Or perhaps Mauringa was merely the name of
the maurland or moorland east of the Elbe (Zeuss, 472). In the Traveler's Song, which had its origin in
the German home of the Angles about the end of the 6th century, a Suevian race in Holstein bears the
name of Myrginge, and this song also mentions the Headhobards (perhaps identical with the Langobards)
who fight with the Danes in Zealand (Schmidt, 34, 47). See also Waitz.
[2] Hodgkin (V, 92) conjectures that possibly the Assipitti are the Usipetes mentioned in Tacitus' Annals
(I, 51). See Caesar B. G. IV, l, 4. Bluhme (see Hodgkin, V, 141) places them in the neighborhood of
Asse, a wooded height near Wolfenbuttel. Such identifications of locality are highly fanciful.
Chapter XII.
They had, however, among them a very powerful man, to whose strength they trusted that they could
obtain without doubt what they wanted. They offered him alone to fight for all. They charged the
Langobards to send any one of their own they might wish, to go forth with him to single combat upon
this condition, to wit; that if their warrior should win the victory, the Langobards would depart the way
they had come, but if he should be overthrown by the other, then they would not forbid the Langobards a
passage through their own territories. And when the Langobards were in doubt what one of their own
they should send against this most warlike man, a certain person of servile rank offered himself of his
own will, and promised that he would engage the challenging enemy upon this condition : that if he took
the victory from the enemy, they would take away the stain of slavery from him and from his offspring.
Why say more? They joyfully promised to do what he had asked. Having engaged the enemy, he fought
and conquered, and won for the Langobards the means of passage, and for himself and his descendants,
as he had desired, the rights of liberty.
Chapter XIII
Therefore the Langobards, coming at last into Mauringa, in order that they might increase the number of
their warriors, confer liberty upon many whom they deliver from the yoke of bondage, and that the
freedom of these may be regarded as established, they confirm it in their accustomed way by an arrow,
uttering certain words of their country in confirmation of the fact.[1] Then the Langobards went forth
from Mauringa and came to Golanda, [2] where, having remained some time, they are afterwards said to
have possessed for some years Anthaib [3] and Banthaib, [4] and in like manner Vurgundaib, [5] which
we can consider are names of districts or of some kinds of places. [6]
[1] Complete emancipation appears to have been granted only among the Franks and the Langobards
(Schmidt, 47 note 3). This system of incorporating into the body of their warriors and freemen, the
peoples whom they subjugated in their wanderings, made of the Langobards a composite race, and it may
well be that their language as well as their institutions were greatly affected by this admixture of foreign
stock (Hartmann, II, pp. 8,9), and that their High-German characteristics are due to this fact. This system
of emancipation also had an important effect in furthering the union of the two races, Langobard and
Roman, after the Italian conquest (Hartmann, II, 2, 15). [2] Schmidt thinks this was further east, perhaps
on the right bank of the Oder (p. 49). He considers (see Hodgkin, V, 143) that the name is the equivalent
of Gotland and means simply '' good land.'' Colanda is generally considered, however, to be Gothland,
and as the Langobards were found in Pannonia in the year 166 at the time of the war with Marcus
Aurelius, and as the Goths emigrated to the Euxine probably about the middle of the second century,
Hodgkin (V, 101) considers it probable that the Langobards at this time were hovering about the skirts of
the Carpathians rather than that they had returned to Bardengau. The fact that when they were next heard
from, they were occupying Rugiland east of Noricum, on the north shore of the Danube, confirms this
view. Zeuss takes an alternative reading for Golanda not well supported by manuscript authority,
"Rugulanda," and suggests that it may be the coast opposite the isle of Rugen (Hodgkin, 141).
[3] Anthaib, according to the improbable conjecture of Zeuss, is the pagus or district of the Antae who,
on the authority of Ptolemy and Jordanes were placed somewhere in the Ukraine in the countries of the
Dniester and Dnieper (Hodgkin, p. 141). Schmidt (p. 49) connects Anthaib through the Aenenas of the "
Traveler's Song" with Bavaria. These are mere guesses.
[4] Schmidt connects Banthaib with the Boii and Bohemia (49, 50).
[5] Zeuss connects Vurgundaib or Burgundaib with the Urugundi of Zosimiis which he seems inclined to
place in Red Russia between the Vistula and Bug. These names, he thinks, lead us in the direction of the
Black Sea far into the eastern steppes and he connects this eastward march of the Langobards with their
alleged combats with the Bulgarians (Hodgkin, V, p. 141). Bluhme in his monograph (Gens
Langobardorum Bonn, 1868) thinks that Burgundaib was the territory evacuated by the Burgundians
when they moved westward to the Middle Rhine (Hodgkin, V, p. 142), and instead of the eastern
migration he makes the Langobards wander westward toward the Rhine, following a passage of Ptolemy
which places them near the Sigambri. He believes that this is confirmed by the Chronicon Gothanum
which says that they stayed long at Patespruna or Paderborn and contends for a general migration of the
tribe to Westphalia, shows the resemblance in family names and legal customs between Westphalia and
Bardengau. Schmidt opposes Bluhme's Westphalian theory which indeed appears to have slender support
and he more plausibly connects Burgundaib (p. 49) with the remnant of the Burgundians that remained in
the lands east of the Elbe. Luttmersen (Die Spuren der Langobarden, Hanover, 1889) thinks that
Burgundaib means '' the valley of forts,'' and was perhaps in the region of the Rauhes Alp in
Wurtemberg; he notes the fact that the Swiss in Thurgau and St. Gall called an old wall built by an
unknown hand "Langobardenmauer" and he claims that the Langobards were members of the Alamannic
confederacy which occupied Suabia. No historical evidence of this appears (Hodgkin, V, 145).
[6] Names which have a termination aib are derived from the Old-High-German eiba (canton), the
division of a state or population (Schmidt, 49). The Latin word pagus, a district, canton, was here used
by Paul to designate these subdivisions instead of the word aldonus or aldones of the Origo from which
Paul took this statement. This word aldonus comes from aldius or aldio the "half-free," referring to the
condition of serfdom or semi-slavery in which the people dwelt in these lands. Hodgkin thinks (V, 94)
the Origo means that the Langobards were in a condition of dependence on some other nation, when they
occupied these districts. It seems more probable that these districts were so called because their
inhabitants were subjected by the Langobards to a condition of semi-servitude, tilling the land for the
benefit of their masters as was afterwards done with the Roman population of Italy (Schmidt, 50). The
migrations described by modern German scholars are mostly hypothetical. The fact is, it is idle to guess
where were the different places mentioned by Paul or when the Langobards migrated from one to the
other. That people however may well have taken part (Hodgkin, V, 88) in the movement of the German
tribes southward which brought on the Marcommanic war under Marcus Aurelius, for in a history written
by Peter the Patrician, Justinian's ambassador to Theodahad (Fragment, VI, p. 124 of the Bonn. ed.) we
are informed that just before that war 6,000 Langobards and Obii having crossed the Danube to invade
Pannonia were put to rout by the Roman cavalry under Vindex and the infantry under Candidus,
whereupon the barbarians desisted from their invasion and sent as ambassadors to Aelius Basaus, who
was then administering Pannonia, Vallomar, king of the Marcommani, and ten others, one for each tribe.
Peace was made, and the barbarians returned home. These events occurred about A. D. 165. (Hodgkin,
V, 88.) It is clear from this that the Langobards had left the Elbe for the Danube as allies or subjects of
their old masters, the Marcommani. Where the home was to which they returned can hardly be
determined. Hodgkin believes that they withdrew to some place not far distant from Pannonia, while
Zeuss (p. 471), Wiese (p. 38) and Schmidt (35, 36) believe that they did not depart permanently from
their original abodes on the Elbe until the second half of the fourth century so that according to this view
they must have returned to these original abodes. It is evident that a considerable number of the
Langobards must have lived a long time on the lower Elbe - the names and institutions which have
survived in Bardengau bear evidence of this. It is, however, highly probable that when the bulk of the
nation migrated, a considerable part remained behind and afterwards became absorbed by the Saxon
tribes in the neighborhood, while the emigrants alone retained the name of Langobards (Hartmann, II,
part I, 5). After the Marcommanic war, information from Greek or Roman writers as to the fortunes of
the Langobards is entirely lacking and for a space of three hundred years their name disappears from
history. Book 1
Chapter XIV.
Meanwhile the leaders Ibor and Aio, who had conducted the Langobards from Scandinavia and had ruled
them up to this time, being dead, the Langobards, now unwilling to remain longer under mere chiefs
(dukes) ordained a king for themselves like other nations. [1] Therefore Agelmund, [2] the son of Aio
first reigned over them [3] tracing out of his pedigree the stock of the Gungingi which among them was
esteemed particularly noble. He held the sovereignty of the Langobards, as is reported by our ancestors,
for thirty years.
[1] More likely the reason was that the unity of a single command was found necessary. Schmidt believes
(p. 76) that the people like other German nations, were divided according to cantons, that the government
in the oldest times was managed by a general assembly that selected the chiefs of the cantons who were
probably, as a rule, taken from the nobility and chosen for life. In peace they acted as judges in civil
cases, and in war as leaders of the troops of the cantons. As commander-in-chief of the whole army, a
leader or duke was chosen by the popular assembly, but only for the time of the war. Often two
colleagues are found together, as Ibor and Aio. As a result of their long-continued wars during their
wanderings, the kingly power was developed and the king became the representative of the nation in
foreign affairs, in the making of treaties, etc. (p. 77). But the influence of the people upon the
government did not fully disappear.
[2] This name is found in a Danish song, and is written Hagelmund (Wiese, 3).
[3] Mommsen observes (68) that even those who recognize a genuine germ of history in this legend must
regard as fiction this connection of the leaders Ibor and Aio with the subsequent line of kings; that we
have no indication regarding the duration of this early leadership, and that it may as well have lasted
centuries as decades. The events already described probably required at least a number of generations for
their accomplishment, The words in the text, "Ibor and Aio who had . . . ruled them up to this time,"
appears to have been inserted by Paul upon conjecture to make a continuous line of rulers and is plainly
an error (Waitz).
Chapter XV.
At this time a certain prostitute had brought forth seven little boys at a birth, and the mother, more cruel
than all wild beasts, threw them into a fish-pond to be drowned. If this seems impossible to any, let him
read over the histories of the ancients [1] and he will find that one woman brought forth not only seven
infants but even nine at one time. And it is sure that this occurred especially among the Egyptians. It
happened therefore that when King Agelmund had stopped his horse and looked at the wretched infants,
and had turned them hither and thither with the spear he carried in his hand, one of them put his hand on
the royal spear and clutched it. The king moved by pity and marveling greatly at the act, pronounced that
he would be a great man. And straightway he ordered him to be lifted from the fish-pond and
commanded him to be brought to a nurse to be nourished with every care, and because he took him from
a fish-pond which in their language is called " lama" [2] he gave him the name Lamissio. [3] When he
had grown up he became such a vigorous youth that he was also very fond of fighting, and after the death
of Agelmund he directed the government of the kingdom. [4] They say that when the Langobards,
pursuing their way with their king, came to a certain river and were forbidden by the Amazons [5] to
cross to the other side, this man fought with the strongest of them, swimming in the river, and killed her
and won for himself the glory of great praise and a passage also for the Langobards. For it had been
previously agreed between the two armies that if that Amazon should overcome Lamissio, the
Langobards would withdraw from the river, but if she herself were conquered by Lamissio, as actually
occurred, then the means of crossing the stream should be afforded to the Langobards.[6] It is clear, to be
sure, that this kind of an assertion is little supported by truth, for it is known to all who are acquainted
with ancient histories that the race of Amazons was destroyed long before these things could have
occurred, unless perchance (because the places where these things are said to have been done were not
well enough known to the writers of history and are scarcely mentioned by any of them), it might have
been that a class of women of this kind dwelt there at that time, for I have heard it related by some that
the race of these women exists up to the present day in the innermost parts of Germany. [7]
[1] See Pliny's Natural History, Book VII. ch. 3, on monstrous births.
[2] Lama is not a German but a Latin word, found in Festus and meaning a collection of water (Waitz). It
lived on in the romance languages. DuCange introduces it from the statutes of Modena, and Dante used it
(Inferno, Canto XX, line 79). It meant, however, in Italian at this later period "a low plain." If Paul or his
earlier authorities took it for Langobard this was because it was unknown to the Latin learning of that
time, though it was a current peasant word in Northern Italy with which a discoverer of ancient
Langobard tales could appropriately connect the indigenous king's name (Mommsen, 68).
[3] This name is called Laiamicho or Lamicho in the Origo and the form used here by Paul seems to have
been taken from the Edict of Rothari (Waitz).
[4] This story of the origin of Lamissio is inconsistent with the statement in the Prologue of the Edict of
Rothari and with the Madrid and Ea Cava manuscripts of the " Origo Gentis Langobardorum " which say
that he was "of the race of Gugingus " (see Waitz, also Appendix II ; Mommsen, p. 68 ; Waitz, Neues
Archiv, V, 423).
[5] This appears to be a transformation into classical form of some ancient German legend of swanmaidens or water-sprites (Schmidt, 17, note).
[6] Schmidt (p. 50) believes that the story of Lamissio is a fabulous expansion of the original myth of
Skeaf. The germ of the myth is that a hero of unknown origin came from the water to the help of the land
in time of need.
[7] Perhaps the Cvenas whom fable placed by the Baltic sea or gulf of Bothnia in '' The Land of Women
'' (Zeuss, 686, 68y).
Chapter XVI
Therefore after passing the river of which we have spoken, the Langobards, when they came to the lands
beyond, sojourned there for some time. Meanwhile, since they suspected nothing hostile and were the
less uneasy on account of their long repose, confidence, which is always the mother of calamities,
prepared for them a disaster of no mean sort. At night, in short, when all were resting, relaxed by
negligence, suddenly the Bulgarians, rushing upon them, slew many, wounded many more and so raged
[1] through their camp that they killed Agelmund, the king himself, and carried away in captivity his
only daughter.
[1] Read for dibachati, debacchati.
Chapter XVII.
Nevertheless the Langobards, having recovered their strength after these disasters, made Lamissio, of
whom we have spoken above, their king. And he, as he was in the glow of youth and quite ready for the
struggles of war, desiring to avenge the slaughter of Agelmund, his foster-father, turned his arms against
the Bulgarians. And presently, when the first battle began, the Langobards, turning their backs to the
enemy, fled to their camp. Then king Lamissio seeing these things, began in a loud voice to cry out to the
whole army that they should remember the infamies they had suffered and recall to view their disgrace ;
how their enemies had murdered their king and had carried off in lamentation as a captive, his daughter
whom they had desired for their queen. [1] Finally he urged them to defend themselves and theirs by
arms, saying that it was better to lay down life in war than to submit as vile slaves to the taunts of their
enemies. Crying aloud, he said these things and the like and now by threats, now by promises,
strengthened their minds to endure the struggles of war; moreover if he saw any one of servile condition
fighting he endowed him with liberty, as well as rewards. At last inflamed by the urging and example of
their chief who had been the first to spring to arms, they rush upon the foe, fight fiercely and overthrow
their adversaries with great slaughter, and finally, taking victory from the victors, they avenge as well the
death of their king as the insults to themselves. Then having taken possession of great booty from the
spoils of their enemies, from that time on they become bolder in undertaking the toils of war.[2]
[1] Abel (p. 251) infers from this the right of succession to the throne in the female line.
[2] Schmidt (50) regards this struggle with the Bulgarians as having no authentic basis in history since
the name of the Bulgarians does not occur elsewhere before the end of the fifth century.
Chapter XVIII
After these things Lamissio, the second who had reigned, died, and the third, Lethu, ascended the throne
of the kingdom, and when he had reigned nearly forty years, he left Hildeoc his son, who was the fourth
in number, as his successor in the kingly power. And when he also died, Gudeoc, as the fifth, received
the royal authority. [1]
[1] Mommsen calls attention (p. 75) to the close relation of the Gothic and Langobard legends. The
Goths wandered from the island of Scandia, where many nations dwell (Jordanes, Ch. 3), among them
the Vinoviloth, who may be the Winnili. From there the Goths sailed upon three vessels under their king
Berich to the mainland (Ch. 4, 17). The first people they encountered in battle were the Vandals (Ch. 4).
Further on the Amazons were introduced, and Mommsen concludes (p. 76): "It may be that these
Langobard and Gothic traditions are both fragments of a great legend of the origin of the whole German
people or that the Gothic story-teller has stirred the Langobard to the making of similar fables. The
stories of the Amazons are more favorable to the latter idea." Hodgkin (V, 98) also notices the similarity
of Langobard history to that of the Goths, as told by Jordanes. But Jordanes exhibits a pedigree showing
fourteen generations before Theodoric, and thus reaching back very nearly to the Christian era, while
Paul gives only five links of the chain before the time of Odoacar, the contemporary of Theodoric, and
thus reaches back, at furthest, only to the era of Constantine. This seems to show that the Langobards had
preserved fewer records of the deeds of their fathers. Hodgkin (V, 99) adds that it is hopeless to get any
possible scheme of Lombard chronology out of these early chapters of Paul; that his narrative would
place the migration from Scandinavia about A. D. 320, whereas the Langobards were dwelling south of
the Baltic at the birth of Christ; that he represents Agelmund, whose place in the narrative makes it
impossible to fix his date later than 350, as slain in battle by the Bulgarians, who first appeared in Europe
about 479. Book 1
Chapter XIX
In these times the fuel of great enmities was consumed between Odoacar who was ruling in Italy now for
some years, [1] and Feletheus, who is also called Feva, [2] king of the Rugii. This Feletheus dwelt in
those days on the further shore of the Danube, which the Danube itself separates from the territories of
Noricum. In these territories of the Noricans at that time was the monastery of the blessed Severinus, [3]
who, endowed with the sanctity of every abstinence, was already renowned for his many virtues, and
though he dwelt in these places up to the end of his life, now however, Neapolis (Naples) keeps his
remains. [4] He often admonished this Feletheus of whom we have spoken and his wife, whose name
was Gisa, in saintly language that they should desist from iniquity, and when they spurned his pious
words, he predicted a long while beforehand that that would occur which afterwards befell them.
Odoacar then, having collected together the nations which were subject to his sovereignty, that is the
Turcilingi and the Heroli and the portion of the Rugii he already possessed [5] and also the peoples of
Italy, came into Rugiland and fought with the Rugii, and sweeping them away in final defeat he
destroyed also Feletheus their king, and after the whole province was devastated, he returned to Italy and
[6] carried off with him an abundant multitude of captives. Then the Langobards, having moved out of
their own territories, came into Rugiland, [7] which is called in the Latin tongue the country of the Rugii,
and because it was fertile in soil they remained in it a number of years.
[1] Here the tradition of the Langobards, as stated by Paul, begins again to correspond, at least in part,
with known or probable historical facts.
[2] The manuscripts of the " Origo Centis Langobardorum " spell this Theuvane (M. G., Script. Rer.
Langob., p. 3) which is required by the meter if the word comes from an epic song (Bruckner, Zeitschrift
fiir Ueutches Alterthum, Vol. 43, p. 56).
[3] At Eiferingen, at the foot of Mount Kalenberg, not far from Vienna (Waitz).
[4] St. Severinus was the apostle of Noricum. He was born either in Southern Italy or in Africa. After the
death of Attila he traveled through the territory along the Danube preaching Christianity and converting
many. He died A. II. 482, and his body was taken to Italy and finally buried at Naples (Waitz).
[5] The statement that Rugians fought upon both sides was the result of Paul's effort to reconcile the
accounts of two contradictory authorities (Mommsen, 103).
[6] Wiese (p. 33) believes that they were then dwelling in upper Silesia not far from the head waters of
the Vistula.
[7] Bluhme considers this to be Moravia (Hodgkin, V, 142). It is more probably the region on the left
bank of the Danube between Linz and Vienna (Schmidt, 51).
Chapter XX
Meanwhile, Gudeoc died, and Claffo, his son, succeeded him. Claffo also having died, Tato, his son, rose
as the seventh to the kingly power. The Langobards also departed from Rugiland, and dwelt in open
fields, which are called "feld" in the barbarian tongue. [1] While they sojourned there for the space of
three years, a war sprang up between Tato and Rodolf, king of the Heroli.[2] Treaties formerly bound
them together, and the cause of the discord between them was this: the brother of king Rodolf had come
to Tato for the purpose of concluding peace, and when, upon the completion of his mission, he sought
again his native country, it happened that his way passed in front of the house of the king's daughter, who
was called Rumetruda. Looking upon the company of men and the noble escort, she asked who this
might be who had such a magnificent train. And it was said to her that the brother of king Rodolf was
returning to his native country, having accomplished his mission. The girl sent to invite him to deign to
take a cup of wine. He with simple heart came as he had been invited, and because he was small in
stature, the girl looked down upon him in contemptuous pride and uttered against him mocking words.
But he, overcome equally with shame and rage, answered back such words as brought still greater
confusion upon the girl. Then she, inflamed by a woman's fury and unable to restrain the rage of her
heart, sought to accomplish a wicked deed she had conceived in her mind. She feigned patience, put on a
lively countenance, and stroking him down with merry words, she invited him to take a seat, and
arranged that he should sit in such a place that he would have the window in the wall at his shoulders.
She had covered this window with costly drapery as if in honor of her guest, but really, lest any suspicion
should strike him, and the atrocious monster directed her own servants that when she should say, as if
speaking to the cup-bearer, " Prepare the drink," they should stab him from behind with their lances. And
it was done; presently the cruel woman gave the sign, her wicked orders were accomplished, and he,
pierced with wounds and falling to the earth, expired. When these things were announced to king Rodolf
he bewailed his brother's cruel murder, and impatient in his rage, burned to avenge that brother's death,
Breaking the treaty he had negotiated with Tato, he declared war against him. [3] Why say more? The
lines of battle on both sides come together in the open fields. Rodolf sends his men into the fight, but
staying himself in camp, he plays at draughts, not at all wavering in his hope of victory. The Heroli were
indeed at that time well trained in martial exercises, and already very famous from their many victories.
And either to fight more freely or to show their contempt for a wound inflicted by the enemy, they fought
naked, covering only the shameful things of the body. [4] Therefore, while the king himself in
undoubting reliance on the power of these men, was safely playing at draughts, he ordered one of his
followers to climb into a tree which happened to be by, that he might tell him more quickly of the victory
of his troops, and he threatened to cut off the man's head if he announced that the ranks of the Heroli
were fleeing. The man, when he saw that the line of the Heroli was bent, and that they were hard pressed
by the Langobards, being often asked by the king what the Heroli were doing, answered that they were
fighting excellently. And not daring to speak, he did not reveal the calamity he saw until all the troops
had turned their backs upon the foe. At last, though late, breaking into voice he cried: "Woe to thee
wretched Herolia who art punished by the anger of the Lord of Heaven." Moved by these words the king
said: "Are my Heroli fleeing?" And he replied: "Not I, but thou, king, thyself hast said this." Then, as is
wont to happen in such circumstances, while the king and all, greatly alarmed, hesitated what to do, the
Langobards came upon them and they were violently cut to pieces. The king himself, acting bravely to
no purpose, was also slain. While the army of the Heroli indeed was scattering hither and thither, so great
was the anger of heaven upon them, that when they saw the green-growing flax of the fields, they
thought it was water fit for swimming, and while they stretched out their arms as if to swim, they were
cruelly smitten by the swords of the enemy. [5] Then the Langobards, when the victory was won, divide
among themselves the huge booty they had found in the camp. Tato indeed carried off the banner of
Rodolf which they call Bandum, and his helmet which he had been accustomed to wear in war. [6] And
now from that time all the courage of the Heroli so decayed that thereafter they had no king over them in
any way. [7] From this time on the Langobards, having become richer, and their army having been
augmented from the various nations they had conquered, began to aspire to further wars, and to push
forward upon every side the glory of their courage.
[1] The country between the Theiss and the Danube in Hungary as Schmidt (52) believes, quoting a
passage from the Annals of Eginhard for the year 796: " Pippin having driven the Huns beyond the
Theiss, destroyed completely the royal residence which these people called the Ring, and the Langobards
the Feld." Since Procopius, (B. G. II, 14) says that the Langobards were then tributary to the Heroli,
Wiese believes (p. 35, 36) that they were compelled by the Heroli to give up their fertile Rugiland. The
Langobards became Christianized, at least in part, about this time (Abel, 241; Schmidt, 51, 52).
[2] The Heroli were, says Zeuss (p. 476), the most migratory among all the German tribes and have
wandered over nearly the whole of Europe. They appeared on the Dneister and Rhine; they plundered in
Greece and in Spain, and were found in Italy and in Scandinavia. Hodgkin believes that the tribe was
split up into two divisions, one of which moved from the Baltic to the Black Sea, and the other
eventually made its appearance on the Rhine. It was the eastern branch, which at the close of the 5th
century was in Hungary on the eastern shore of the Danube, with which the Langobards had their
struggle (Hodgkin, V, 104). The customs of the tribe were barbarous. They engaged in human sacrifices,
put the sick and the aged to death, and it was the duty of a warrior's widow to die upon her husband's
tomb (Hodgkin, 105).
[3] Procopius (B. G., II, 14 et seq.) gives a different account of the origin of this war. He states (Hodgkin,
V, 106) that the warriors of the tribe having lived in peace for three years, chafed at this inaction and
taunted Rodolf, calling him womanish and soft-hearted, until he determined to make war upon the
Langobards, but gave no pretext for his attack. Three times the Langobards sent ambassadors to placate
him, who offered to increase the tribute paid by their nation, but Rodolf drove them from his presence.
Procopius' reason for the war is more favorable to the Langobards than that given by Paul. But it is quite
possible that a rude people such as they were, might consider it more disgraceful to admit that they had
paid tribute and humbly besought justice than that they had themselves given just cause for war.
[4] Jordanis (ch. 49) says they fought light-armed. Procopius (Persian war, II, 25) speaks of their lack of
defensive armor.
[5] 'Procopius (B. G., II, 14) gives another account of the battle. He says the sky above the Langobards
was covered with black clouds, while above the Heroli it was clear, an omen which portended ruin to the
Heroli, since the war god was in the storm cloud (Wiese, 39). They disregarded it, however, and pressed
on hoping to win by their superior numbers, but when they fought hand to hand, many of the Heroli were
slain, including Rodolf himself, whereupon his forces fled in headlong haste and most of them were
killed by the pursuing Langobards. The account of Procopius, a contemporary (490-565), is in the main
more reliable than that of Paul, whose story is clearly of a legendary character. The place of the battle is
uncertain. The date, too, is doubtful. Procopius places it at 494, but after a careful argument, Schmidt
(53, 54) places it about 508.
[6] Bruckner sees in the superfluous phrase '' which he had been accustomed to wear in war,'' the marks
of the translation of a German composite word used probably in some early Langobard song (Zeitschrift
fiir Deutsches Alterthum, vol. 43, part I, p. 55).
[7] It is not true that the Heroli never afterwards had a king (see next chapter). As to their subsequent
history, Procopius says (15. Ci., II, 14) they first went to Rugiland, and driven thence by hunger, they
entered Pannonia and became tributaries of the Gepidae, then they crossed the Danube, probably into
upper Moesia and obtained permission of the Greek emperor to dwell there as his allies. This took place
in the year 512 (Hodgkin, V, 112). They soon quarreled with the Romans and although under Justinian
they came to profess Christianity they were guilty of many outrages. They killed their king Ochon, but
finding the anarchy which followed unendurable, they sent to Thule (Scandinavia) for a royal prince to
rule them (Hodgkin, 113), and Todasius set forth for that purpose with two hundred young men to the
country where the Heroli were living. That fickle people had now obtained a king, Suartuas, from the
emperor Justinian, but they changed their minds again and deserted to Todasius, whereupon Suartuas
escaped to Constantinople, and when Justinian determined to support him by force of arms, the Heroli
joined the confederacy of the Gepidae (p. 116). Book 1
Chapter XXI
But after these things Tato indeed did not long rejoice in the triumph of war, for Waccho, the son of his
brother Zuchilo, [1] attacked him and deprived him of his life. Tato's son Hildechis also fought [2]
against Waccho, but when Waccho prevailed and he was overcome, he fled to the Gepidae and remained
there an exile up to the end of his life. For this reason the Gepidae from that time incurred enmities with
the Langobards. At the same time Waccho fell upon the Suavi and subjected them to his authority. [3] If
any one may think that this is a lie and not the truth of the matter, let him read over the prologue of the
edict which King Rothari composed [4] of the laws of the Langobards and he will find this written in
almost all the manuscripts as we have inserted it in this little history. And Waccho had three wives, that
is, the first, Ranicunda, daughter of the king of the Turingi (Thuringians) ; then he married Austrigusa,
the daughter of the king of the Gepidae, from whom he had two daughters; the name of one was
Wisegarda, whom he bestowed in marriage upon Theudepert, king of the Franks, and the second was
called Walderada, who was united with Cusupald, another king of the Franks, and he, having her in
hatred [5] gave her over in marriage to one of his followers called Garipald. [6] And Waccho had for his
third wife the daughter of the king of the Heroli, [7] by name Salinga. From her a son was born to him,
whom he called Waltari, and who upon the death of Waccho reigned as the eighth [8] king over the
Langobards. All these were Lithingi; for thus among them a certain noble stock was called.
[1] This is a misunderstanding by Paul of the words of the Origo from which his account is taken, which
says: "And Waccho the son of Unichis killed king Tato, his uncle, together with Zuchilo." (M. G. li.
Script. Rer. Langob., p. 3.) See Appendix II.
[2] Procopius (III, 35) makes Hildechis the son of Risulf, a cousin of Waccho (Hodgkin, V, 117, note 2).
He states that Risulf would have been entitled to the throne upon Waccho's death, but in order to get the
crown for his own son, Waccho drove Risulf by means of a false accusation from the country; that Risulf
fled with his two sons, one of whom was called Hildechis, to the Warni, by whom, at the instigation of
Waccho, he was murdered; that Hildechis' brother died there of sickness and Hildechis escaped and was
first received by a Slav people and afterwards by the Gepidae (Schmidt, 59).
[3] It is hard to see what people are designated by this name. The Suavi who dwelt in the southwestern
part of Germany, now Suabia, are too far off. Hodgkin (p. 119) suggests a confusion between Suavia and
Savia, the region of the Save. Schmidt (55) says, "There is ground to believe that this people is identical
with the Suevi of Vannius who possessed the mountain land between the March and the Theiss." Other
events in Waccho's reign are mentioned by Procopius (II, 22), but omitted by Paul. For instance, in the
year 539, Vitiges, the Ostrogoth, being hard pressed by Belisarius, sent ambassadors to Waccho offering
large sums of money to become his ally, but Waccho refused because a treaty had been concluded
between the Langobards and Byzantines.
[4] Paul here refers to the famous "Origo Gentis Langobardorum " from which, or from a common
original, Paul has taken much of his early Langobard history. See Appendix II. Paul appears to have
considered the Origo as the Prologue to Rothari's Edict. The two were, however, different, though both
were prefixed to the Edict in at least some of the MSS. Mommsen (58, note) thinks it probable that the
Origo was not an official but a private work, prefixed to the Edict for the first time in the year 668.
Rothari composed the Edict and not the Origo, though Paul seems to have considered him the author of
the latter (Jacobi 5).[5] Gregory of Tours relates (IV, 9) that he repudiated her because he was accused by
the clergy, probably on account of some ecclesiastical impediment.
[6] Garipald was duke of the Bavarians (Greg. Tours, IV, 9; Waitz ; see infra. III, 10, 30).
[7] And yet Paul has just told us in the preceding chapter that at this time the Heroli had no king.
[8] An error in enumeration, Tato being mentioned as seventh and Waccho omitted (Waitz).
Chapter XXII
Waltari, therefore, when he had held the sovereignty for seven years, [1] departed from this life, [2] and
after him Audoin [3] was the ninth [4] who attained the kingly power (546-565), and he, not long
afterwards, led the Langobards into Pannonia. [5]
[1] Probably 539 to 546 or thereabouts. (Hartmann, II, I, 30.)
[2] Procopius says by disease (B. G., Ill, 35).
[3] The same, probably, as the Anglo-Saxon and English "Edwin'' (Hodgkin, V, 122, note I).
[4] The race of Lethingi became extinct with Waltari. Audoin came from the race of Gausus (see
Chronicon Gothanum, M. G., H, LL., IV, p. 644).
[5] Justinian, says Procopius (B. G., Ill, 33), had given this and other lands to the Langobards together
with great sums of money (Schmidt, 58). They appear to have been in fact subsidized as allies and
confederates of the Roman Empire (Hartmann, II, I, 12), and it seems to have been at Justinian's
instigation that Audoin married a Thuringian princess, the great-niece of Theoderic, who after the
overthrow of the Thuringians had fled to Italy, and later had been brought by Belisarius to the court of
Constantinople (Hartmann, II, i, 14). The invasion of Pannonia probably occurred not far from 546 (id.,
p. 30).
Chapter XXIII
Then the Gepidae and the Langobards at last give birth to the strife which had been long since conceived
and the two parties make ready for war. [1] When battle was joined, while both lines fought bravely and
neither yielded to the other, it happened that in the midst of struggle, Alboin, the son of Audoin, and
Turismod, the son of Turisind encountered each other. And Alboin, striking the other with his sword,
hurled him headlong from his horse to destruction. The Gepidae, seeing that the king's son was killed,
through whom in great part the war had been set on foot, at once, in their discouragement, start to flee.
The Langobards, sharply following them up, overthrow them and when a great number had been killed
they turn back to take off the spoils of the dead. When, after the victory had been won, the Langobards
returned to their own abodes, they suggested to their king Audoin that Alboin, by whose valor they had
won the victory in the fight, should become his table companion so that he who had been a comrade to
his father in danger should also be a comrade at the feast. Audoin answered them that he could by no
means do this lest he should break the usage of the nation. "You know," he said, "that it is not the custom
among us that the son of the king should eat with his father unless he first receives his arms from the
king of a foreign nation."
[1] Paul does not state the cause of this war. Schmidt believes (p. 58) that it was probably begun at the
instigation of Justinian whose interest it was to break up the friendship of two peoples who threatened to
become dangerous to his empire and that in addition to this, the desire of the Langobards to get the
important city of Sirmium, then held by the Gepidae cooperated, and above all, the hostile feeling which
had been called out by contests for the throne. It must be remembered that the Heroli, enemies to the
Langobards, had been received in the confederacy of the Gepidae and that Hildechis, the descendant of
Tato, was harbored by the Gepid king Turisind, just as Ustrigotthus, Turisind's rival for the Gepid throne,
and son of his predecessor, Elemund, had found refuge at the court of Audoin. Prior to this, both nations
had sought the alliance of the emperor (Hodgkin, V, 122-126). Justinian decided to help the Langobards
since they were weaker and less dangerous to him than the Gepidae, so a Roman army of about 10,000
cavalry and 1500 Heroli marched against the Gepidae. Upon the way they annihilated a division of 3,000
Heroli who were allied to the Gepidae, and the Gepidae made a separate peace with the Langobards (p.
129). Audoin demanded of Turisind, king of the Gepidae, the delivery of Hildechis, but the latter escaped
and wandered about in different countries (Schmidt, 60). A second war between the Langobards and
Gepidae occurred about 549 (Procopius, IV, 18), when a desperate panic seized both armies at the
beginning of a battle, whereupon the two kings concluded a two years' truce. At the end of this time
hostilities began anew. Justinian took the side of the Langobards and sent troops into the field, one
division of which, under command of Amalafrid, joined the Langobards, while the rest of the troops
remained by command of the emperor in Ullpiana to quell certain disturbances (Schmidt, 60, 61). The
Langobards pushed into the territory of the Gepidae and defeated their adversaries. The field of battle
was probably near Sirmium. Procopius (II. 0., IV, 25) puts this battle in the seventeenth year of the war
(March, 551, to March, 552). Probably this is the same battle which Paul relates. The Gepidae now
begged for peace which was accorded to them through the intervention of Justinian. As a condition the
Langobards and the emperor demanded the delivery of Hildechis. But as the Gepidae were resolved not
to violate the sanctity of a guest, and as the Langobards refused to deliver Ustrigotthus, neither of these
were surrendered, but both perished by assassination, not without the knowledge of the two kings
(Schmidt, 62; Hodgkin, V, 134).
Chapter XXIV
When he heard these things from his father, Alboin, taking only forty young men with him, journeyed to
Turisind, king of the Gepidae with whom he had before waged war, and intimated the cause in which he
had come. And the king, receiving him kindly, invited him to his table and placed him on his right hand
where Turismod, his former son had been wont to sit. In the meantime, while the various dishes were
made ready, Turisind, reflecting that his son had sat there only a little while before, and recalling to mind
the death of his child and beholding his slayer present and sitting in his place, drawing deep sighs, could
not contain himself, but at last his grief broke forth in utterance. "This place," he says, " is dear to me, but
the person who sits in it is grievous enough to my sight." Then another son of the king who was present,
aroused by his father's speech, began to provoke the Langobards with insults declaring (because they
wore white bandages from their calves down) that they were like mares with white feet up to the legs,
saying: " The mares that you take after have white fetlocks." [1] Then one of the Langobards thus
answered these things: " Go to the field of Asfeld and there you can find by experience beyond a doubt
how stoutly those you call mares succeed in kicking; there the bones of your brother are scattered in the
midst of the meadows like those of a vile beast." When they heard these things, the Gepidae, unable to
bear the tumult of their passions, are violently stirred in anger and strive to avenge the open insult. The
Langobards on the other side, ready for the fray, all lay their hands on the hilts of their swords. The king
leaping forth from the table thrust himself into their midst and restrained his people from anger and strife,
threatening first to punish him who first engaged in fight, saying that it is a victory not pleasing to God
when any one kills his guest in his own house. Thus at last the quarrel having been allayed, they now
finished the banquet with joyful spirits. And Turisind, taking up the arms of Turismod his son, delivered
them to Alboin and sent him back in peace and safety to his father's kingdom. Alboin having returned to
his father, was made from that time his table companion. And when he joyfully partook with his father of
the royal delicacies, he related in order all the things which had happened to him among the Gepidae in
the palace of Turisind. [2] Those who were present were astonished and applauded the boldness of
Alboin nor did they less extol in their praises the most honorable behavior of Turisind.
[1] Or hoofs. Fetilus for petilus. The white hoof of a horse was so called. Others make foetidae, "evil
smelling." See Gibbon, ch. 45. Hodgkin, V, 136.
[2] Read Turisindi with many MSS. instead of Turismodi. Book 1
Chapter XXV
At this period the emperor Justinian was governing the Roman empire with good fortune. He was both
prosperous in waging wars and admirable in civil matters. For by Belisarius, the patrician, he vigorously
subdued the Persians and by this same Belisarius he reduced to utter destruction the nation of the
Wandals, captured their king Gelismer and restored all Africa to the Roman empire after ninety-six
years. Again by the power of Belisarius he overcame the nation of the Goths in Italy and took captive
Witichis their king. He subdued also the Moors who afterwards infested Africa together with their king
Amtalas, by John the ex-consul, a man of wonderful courage. In like manner too, he subjugated other
nations by right of war. For this reason, on account of his victories over them all, he deserved to have his
surnames and to be called Alamannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus,
Wandalicus, and Africanus. He also arranged in wonderful brevity the laws of the Romans whose
prolixity was very great and whose lack of harmony was injurious. For all the laws of the emperors
which were certainly contained in many volumes he abridged into twelve books, and he ordered this
volume called the Justinian Code. On the other hand, the laws of special magistrates or judges which
were spread over almost two thousand books, he reduced to the number of fifty and called that work by
the name of "Digests" or "Pandects." He also composed anew four books of "Institutes" in which the
texture of all laws is briefly described ; he also ordered that the new laws which he himself had ordained,
when reduced to one volume, should be called in the same way the "New Code" (Novels). The same
emperor also built within the city of Constantinople to Christ our Lord, who is the wisdom of God the
Father, a church which he called by the Greek name " Hagia Sophia," that is, "Divine Wisdom." The
workmanship of this so far excels that of all other buildings that in all the regions of the earth its like
cannot be found. This emperor in fact was Catholic in his faith, upright in his deeds, just in his
judgments, and therefore, to him all things came together for good. In his time Cassiodorus was
renowned in the city of Rome [1] for knowledge both human and divine. Among other things which he
nobly wrote, he expounded particularly in a most powerful way the obscure parts of the Psalms. He was
in the first place a consul, then a senator, and at last a monk. At this time also Dionisius, an abbott
established in the city of Rome, computed a reckoning of Easter time by a wonderful argumentation. [2]
Then also, at Constantinople, Priscian of Caesarea explored the depths of the grammatical art, as I might
say, and then also, Arator, a subdeacon of the Roman church, a wonderful poet, wrote the acts of the
apostles in hexameter verses.
[1] His work was done mostly at Ravenna and Viviers in Brutthun (where he retired to a monastery). His
fame was not confined to Rome but extended throughout Italy, and the entire Roman world.
[2] In his Cyclus Paschalis he also introduced the annunciation of the birth of Christ as the starting point
of chronology.
Chapter XXVI
In these days also the most blessed father Benedict, first in a place called Sublacus (Subiaco), which is
distant forty miles [1] from the city of Rome, and afterwards in the stronghold of Cassinum (Monte
Cassino [2]), which is called Arx, was renowned for his great life and his apostolic virtues. His
biography, as is known, the blessed Pope Gregory composed in delightful language in his Dialogues. I
also, according to my meager talent, have braided together in the following manner in honor of so great a
father, each of his miracles by means of corresponding distichs in elegiac meter.[3] . . . We have woven
also in this manner a hymn in iambic Archilochian meter, containing each of the miracles of the same
father.[4] . . . I may here briefly relate a thing that the blessed pope Gregory did not at all describe in his
life of this most holy father. When, by divine admonition, he had come almost fifty miles from Sublacus
to this place where his body reposes, three ravens, whom he was accustomed to feed, followed him,
flying around him. And at every crossway, while he came hither, two angels appearing in the form of
young men, showed him which way he ought to take. And in this place [Cassinuni] a certain servant of
God then had a dwelling, to whom a voice from heaven said :
Leave these sacred spots, another friend is at hand.
And when he had come here, that is to the citadel of Cassinum he always restrained himself in great
abstinence, but especially at the time of Lent he remained shut up and removed from the noise of the
world. I have taken all these things from the song of the poet Marcus, who coming hither to this same
father, composed some verses in his praise, but to guard against too great prolixity, I have not described
them in these books. It is certain, however, that this illustrious father came to this fertile place
overlooking a rich valley, being called by heaven for this purpose, that there should be here a community
of many monks, as has actually occurred under God's guidance. These things, which were not to be
omitted, having been briefly told, let us return to the regular order of our history.
[1] A Roman mile is 142 yards less than the English statute mile.
[2] A famous monastery, 45 miles N. W. of Naples, the cradle of the Benedictine order.
[3] The sixty-four distichs which follow are found in Appendix III, as they have no proper connection
with the history. They had been written by Paul previously, and certain additions to them contained in
other MSS. are published by Bethmann (331).
[4] These verses are also contained in Appendix III.
Chapter XXVII.
Now Audoin, king of the Langobards, of whom we have spoken, had to wife Rodelinda, who bore him
Alboin, a man fitted for wars and energetic in all things. Then Audoin died, [1] and afterwards Alboin,
the tenth king, entered upon the government of his country according to the wishes of all, and since he
had everywhere a name very illustrious and distinguished for power, Chlothar, the king of the Franks,
joined to him in marriage his daughter Chlotsuinda. From her he begot one daughter only, Alpsuinda by
name. Meanwhile Turisind, king of the Gepidae, died, and Cunimund succeeded him in the sovereignty.
And he, desiring to avenge the old injuries of the Gepidae, broke his treaty with the Langobards and
chose war rather than peace. [2] But Alboin entered into a perpetual treaty with the Avars, who were first
called Huns, and afterwards Avars, from the name of their own king. [3] Then he set out for the war
prepared by the Gepidae. When the latter were hastening against him in a different direction, the Avars,
as they had agreed with Alboin, invaded their country. A sad messenger coming to Cunimund,
announced to him that the Avars had entered his territories. Although cast down in spirit, and put into
sore straits on both sides, still he urged his people to fight first with the Langobards, and that, if they
should be able to overcome these, they should then drive the army of the Huns from their country.
Therefore battle is joined and they fight with all their might. The Langobards become the victors, raging
against the Gepidae in such wrath that they reduce them to utter destruction, and out of an abundant
multitude scarcely the messenger survives. [4] In this battle Alboin killed Cunimund, and made out of his
head, which he carried off, a drinking goblet. This kind of a goblet is called among them "scala," [5] but
in the Latin language "patera." And he led away as a captive, [6] Cunimund's daughter, Rosemund by
name, together with a great multitude of both sexes and every age, and because Chlotsuinda had died he
married her, to his own injury, as afterwards appeared. Then the Langobards secured such great booty
that they now attained the most ample riches, but the race of the Gepidae were so diminished that from
that time on they had no king. But all who were able to survive the war were either subjected to the
Langobards or groan even up to the present time in bondage to a grievous mastery, since the Huns
possess their country. But the name of Alboin was spread abroad far and wide, so illustrious, that even up
to this time his noble bearing and glory, the good fortune of his wars and his courage are celebrated, not
only among the Bavarians and the Saxons, but also among other men of the same tongue in their songs. It
is also related by many up to the present time that a special kind of arms was made under him.
[1] Probably about 565 (Hodgkin., V, 137).
[2] Paul apparently confounds two wars in one. Alboin in the first overcomes Cunimund; then the
emperor Justin prepares to aid the Gepidae and Alboin offers to make peace and to marry Rosemund. His
offer is refused and in the second war Cunimund is killed (Waitz).
[3] These were a horde of Asiatics who had entered Europe in the closing years of the reign of Justinian,
had extorted large subsidies from him and had penetrated westward as far as Thuringia (Hodgkin, V,
137). Their chief bore the title of cagan or khan. The treaty made by Alboin with the khan Baian shows
that the Avars drove a hard bargain with the Langobards. Baian consented to the alliance only on
condition that the Langobards should give the Avars a tenth part of their livestock and that in the event of
victory the Avars should receive one-half of the spoils and the whole of the lands of the Gepidae
(Schmidt, 63—64).
[4] The destruction of the kingdom of the Gepidae occurred in 566 or 567 (Hartmann, II, 1, 31).
[5] Compare the Norse word skaal, skoal, German Schale. Hodgkin, however, thinks it is related rather to
the German Schadel, our skull (V, 139).
[6] It appears he first saw Rosemund when he went to the court of Turisind to get his arms (Schmidt, 62).
On account of political considerations he had to marry Chlotsuinda, daughter of the Frankish king,
Chlothar I, but when she died, he sued for the hand of Rosemund, and when it was refused, he forcibly
carried her away into his kingdom (p. 63). Cunimund vainly demanded the return of his daughter, and
was unwilling that she should marry the hated Langobard. War followed, in which at first the Langobards
had the better, but finally they were defeated as the Gepidae had brought Justin II, who had succeeded
Justinian over to their side. The result was that Rosemund was set free. Then Alboin sought allies and
found them in the Avars (id.). When Cunimund heard of this he again sought the aid of Justin and
promised to cede Sirmium and other possessions to the empire in return for assistance. Justin delayed and
remained neutral, but finally took Sirmium after the Gepidae were defeated (Schmidt, 64).
Book 2
Chapter I.
Now when the frequent victories of the Langobards were noised about in every direction, Narses, keeper
of the imperial archives, who was then ruling over Italy and preparing for war against Totila, king of the
Goths, inasmuch as he long before had the Langobards for allies, directed messengers to Alboin, asking
that he should furnish him assistance to fight with the Goths. Then Alboin sent a chosen band of his [1]
to give support to the Romans against the Goths. They were transported into Italy by a bay [2] of the
Adriatic sea, and having joined the Romans, began the struggle with the Goths, and when these were
reduced to utter destruction, together with Totila, their king, the Langobards returned as victors, honored
with many gifts, to their own country. [3] During all the time the Langobards held Pannonia, they were
the allies of the Roman state against its rivals.
[1] This actually occurred under Audoin, not Alboin (Procopius, B. G., IV, 26). Twenty-five hundred
Langobards were chosen and Audoin sent with them a retinue of three thousand other armed men (id.).
[2] The dwellers in the lagoons at the northern extremity of the Adriatic transported the army along the
shores, crossing the
mouths of the rivers in small boats (id.).
[3] They were sent to Italy A. D. 554, returned A. D. 552 (Waitz). Their disorderly conduct and the
outrages they committed made them dangerous allies, and Narses took an early occasion to send them
home (Procopius, B. G., IV, 33).
Chapter II.
In these times Narses also waged war against Duke Buccellinus, whom Theudepert, [1] king of the
Franks, when he entered Italy and returned to Gaul, had left behind with Amingus, another duke, to
conquer the country. This Buccellinus, after devastating nearly all Italy with rapine, and after bestowing
upon Theudepert, his king, abundant gifts from the booty of the country, was arranging to winter in
Campania, but was overcome at length in disastrous war by Narses at a place whose name is Tannetum,
[2] and was slain. And when Amingus attempted to bring aid to Widin, a count of the Goths rebelling
against Narses, both were overcome by Narses. Widin being captured, was banished to Constantinople,
but Amingus, who had offered him assistance, perished by the sword of Narses. Also a third duke of the
Franks, by name Leutharius, the brother of Buccellinus, when he desired to return to his country laden
with great booty, died a natural death between Verona and Tridentum (Trent), near Lake Benacus (Lago
di Garda).[3]
[1] Grandson of Clovis, the founder of the Frankish monarchy. Theudepert had invaded Italy in the year
539 (Muratori Ann., Ill, p. 388; Hodgkin, V, p. n), but the dysentery swept away a third of his army, and
the clamor of his own subjects, as well as the representations of Belisarius, the general of Justinian,
induced him to return home (Gibbon, ch. 41). When he departed from Italy he did not relinquish all he
had won. The larger part of Venetia, a good deal of Liguria and the provinces of the Cottian Alps were
retained (Hodgkin, V, ll). Theudepert died in 548, leaving as his successor his feeble child Theudebald
(p. 13). Five years later (A. D. 533), when the Goths in Italy were overthrown by Narses, those who still
held out in the north besought the Frankish king for aid, and Buccellinus (Butilin) and his brother
Leutharius, leaders of the barbarous Alamanni, ravaged northern Italy (pp. 16—17), and then swept
down toward the south. The armies of the two brothers kept together as far as Samnium, then they
divided. Buccellinus ravaged the west coast and Leutharius the east, down to the end of the peninsula (A.
D. 554). Finally Leutharius determined to return with his booty, but when he was about to cross the Alps
a pestilence broke out in his army and he perished (pp. 33-36). Buccellinus was attacked by Narses near
Capua, his army was destroyed and he was slain. This expedition of Buccellinus, therefore, occurred not
under Theudepert but after his death.
[2] This battle occurred near Capua, on the banks of the river Casilinum, another name for the Vulturmis
(Volturno) (Waitz ; Hodgkin, V, 36-44.) The name Tannetum cannot be positively identified.
[3] He died of the pestilence which had broken out in his army. See previous note.
Chapter III
Narses had also a struggle with Sinduald, king of the Brenti, [1] a surviving descendant of the stock of
the Heroli whom Odoacar, when he formerly came into Italy, had brought with him. Upon this man, who
at first adhered to him faithfully, Narses conferred many benefits, but defeated him in war, captured him
and hung him from a lofty beam, when at last he insolently rebelled and sought to obtain the sovereignty.
[2] At this time also Narses, the patrician, by means of Dagisteus, the Master of Soldiers, a powerful and
warlike man, got possession of all the territories of Italy.[3] This Narses indeed was formerly keeper of
the archives, [4] and afterwards on account of the value of his high qualities, he earned the honor of the
patriciate. For he was a very pious man, a Catholic in religion, generous to the poor, very zealous in
restoring churches, and so much devoted to vigils and prayers that he[5] obtained victory more by the
supplications which he poured forth to God, than by the arms of war.
[1] Perhaps the same as those called Breones or Briones, dwelling in the Alps of Noricum or in the
neighborhood of the Brenner in Tyrol (Waitz; Abel; see Zeuss, 484).
[2] A. D. 565 (Hodgkin, V, 56).
[3] Narses took the city of Rome largely through the agency of Dagisteus (Procopius, IV, 33), who thus
became the means of the recovery of Italy (Waitz). The title " Master of Soldiers," (magister militum,)
was given at the time of Constantine to important ministers of state, and there were then only eight of
these in the whole empire (Hodgkin, VI, 539); in the time of Theoderic, the king alone (Hartmann, I, 99),
and later, Belisarius, the general-in-chief of Justinian, held this important military office (id., p. 258).
Afterwards however, the title became cheapened, the number of magistri militum increased, and at last
the rank became much the same as that of dux or duke (Hodgkin, VI, 540).
[4] Chartularius, see DuCange.
[5] After their desecration by the Arian Goths.
Chapter IV
In the times of this man a very great pestilence broke out, particularly in the province of Liguria. [1] For
suddenly there appeared certain marks among the dwellings, doors, utensils, and clothes, which, if any
one wished to wash away, became more and more apparent. After the lapse of a year indeed there began
to appear in the groins of men and in other rather delicate [2] places, a swelling of the glands, after the
manner of a nut or a date, presently followed by an unbearable fever, so that upon the third day the man
died. But if any one should pass over the third day he had a hope of living. Everywhere there was grief
and everywhere tears. For as common report had it that those who fled would avoid the plague, the
dwellings were left deserted by their inhabitants, and the dogs only kept house. The flocks remained
alone in the pastures with no shepherd at hand. You might see villas or fortified places lately filled with
crowds of men, and on the next day, all had departed and everything was in utter silence. Sons fled,
leaving the corpses of their parents unburied; parents forgetful of their duty abandoned their children in
raging fever. If by chance long-standing affection constrained any one to bury his near relative, he
remained himself unburied, and while he was performing the funeral rites he perished; while he offered
obsequies to the dead, his own corpse remained without obsequies. You might see the world brought
back to its ancient silence: no voice in the field; no whistling of shepherds ; no lying in wait of wild
beasts among the cattle; no harm to domestic fowls. The crops, outliving the time of the harvest, awaited
the reaper untouched; the vineyard with its fallen leaves and its sinning grapes remained undisturbed
while winter came on; a trumpet as of warriors resounded through the hours of the night and clay;
something like the murmur of an army was heard by many; there were no footsteps of passers by, no
murderer was seen, yet the corpses of the dead were more than the eyes could discern; pastoral places
had been turned into a sepulchre for men, and human habitations had become places of refuge for wild
beasts. And these evils happened to the Romans only and within Italy alone, up to the boundaries of the
nations of the Alamanni and the Bavarians. Meanwhile, the emperor Justinian departed from life and
Justin the younger undertook the rule of the state at Constantinople. In these times also Narses the
patrician, whose care was watching everything, at length seized Vitalis, bishop of the city of Altinum
(Altino), who had fled many years before to the kingdom of the Franks - that is, to the city of Aguntum
(Innichen) [3] - and condemned him to exile in Sicily.
[1] Probably A. D. 566 (Hodg., V, 166, note 2).
[2] Read delicatioriblis in place of deligatioribus.
[3] At the headwaters of the Drave in Tyrol (Waitz).
Chapter V
Now the whole nation of the Goths having been destroyed or overthrown, as has been said, and those
also of whom we have spoken [1] having been in like manner conquered, Narses, after he had acquired
much gold and silver and riches of other kinds, incurred the great envy of the Romans although he had
labored much for them against their enemies, and they made insinuations against him to the emperor
Justin [2] and his wife Sophia, in these words, saying, "It would be advantageous for the Romans to serve
the Goths rather than the Greeks wherever the eunuch Narses rules and oppresses us with bondage, and
of these things our most devout emperor is ignorant: Either free us from his hand or surely we will betray
the city of Rome and ourselves to the heathens." [3] When Narses heard this he answered briefly these
words: " If I have acted badly with the Romans it will go hard with me." Then the emperor was so greatly
moved with anger against Narses that he straightway sent the prefect Longinus into Italy to take Narses'
place. But Narses, when he knew these things, feared greatly, and so much was he alarmed, especially by
the same empress Sophia, that he did not dare to return again to Constantinople. Among other things,
because he was a eunuch, she is said to have sent him this message, that she would make him portion out
to the girls in the women's chamber the daily tasks of wool. [4] To these words Narses is said to have
given this answer, that he would begin to weave her such a web as she could not lay down as long as she
lived. [5] Therefore, greatly racked by hate and fear, he withdrew to Neapolis (Naples), a city of
Campania, and soon sent messengers to the nation of the Langobards, urging them to abandon the barren
fields of Pannonia and come and take possession of Italy, teeming with every sort of riches. At the same
time he sends many kinds of fruits and samples of other things with which Italy is well supplied,
whereby to attract their minds to come. [6] The Langobards receive joyfully the glad tidings which they
themselves had also been desiring, and they form high expectations of future advantages. In Italy terrible
signs were continually seen at night, that is, fiery swords appeared in heaven gleaming with that blood
which was afterwards shed.
[1] In ch. 2 and 3 supra.
[2] Read Justino for Justiniano. It was Justin II who was the husband of Sophia and to whom this
complaint was made.
[3] The Arian Goths were so considered.
[4] In Fredegarius (Epitome, iii, 65) it is said that the empress sent him a golden instrument used by
women with which he might spin and told him that henceforth he might rule over wool-workers, not over
nations.
[5] Or, as Fredegarius has it (id.): "I will spin a thread of which neither the emperor Justin nor the
empress shall be able to find the end" (Hodgkin, V, 62).
[6] The charge that Narses in revenge for his recall (A. D. 566 or 567) invited the Langobards into Italy
is subject to grave doubt. Paul's statement that he sent them the fruits and products of that country
contains an obvious improbability, since their troops had served in Italy fifteen years before and they
needed no information on that subject (Hodgkin, V, 62). Paul followed the popular tradition, and tracing
this back, we find that the account occurs in the so-called Fredegarius (A. D. 642 to 658), but without the
statement concerning the fruits and other products of Italy. Bishop Isidore of Seville, whose chronicle
came down to 615, tells us that Narses, terrified by the threats of Sophia, invited the Langobards from
Pannonia and introduced them into Italy. The Copenhagen continuer of Prosper (about 625) copies from
Isidore. The Liber Pontificalis (Life of John III, A. D. 579-590) says that Narses went to Campania and
wrote to the Langobards to come and take possession of Italy (Hodgkin, V, 6o, 61). This book was nearly
contemporary and shows a popular belief that Narses was disloyal to the empire. Neither of the two best
contemporary authors, Marius of Avenches or Gregory of Tours, who died about 594, speak of Narses'
invitation to the Langobards, though the former mentions his recall and both speak of the invasion of
Alboin. The Annals of Ravenna are equally silent. While Narses' recall was probably due to the empress
and furnished the Langobards with their opportunity, the statement that he invited them is hardly
sustained by sufficient evidence to establish the treason of that eminent commander, though it shows that
after the invasion his agency was suspected (Hodgkin, V, 64, 65). Certain it is that when his bodv was
brought to Constantinople, the emperor whom he is said to have betrayed, carried his bier and paid the
last honors to his memory (Hartmann II, i, 24). Book 2
Chapter VI
But Alboin, being about to set out for Italy with the Langobards, asked aid from his old friends, the
Saxons, that he might enter and take possession of so spacious a land with a larger number of followers.
The Saxons came to him, more than 20,000 men, together with their wives and children, to proceed with
him to Italy according to his desire. Hearing these things, Chlothar and Sigisbert, kings of the Franks, put
the Suavi and other nations into the places from which these Saxons had come.[1]
[1] Hodgkin believes (V, 156 note) that the fact that the Suavi, whom he considers the same as the
Alamanni, occupied the homes of these Saxons, indicates that they were located in southern Germany.
Chapter VII.
Then Alboin bestowed his own abode, that is, Pannonia, upon his friends the Huns [1] on this condition:
that if at any time it should be necessary for the Langobards to return [2] they should take back their own
fields. Then the Langobards, having left Pannonia, hastened to take possession of Italy with their wives
and children and all their goods. They dwelt in Pannonia forty-two years. [3] They came out of it in the
month of April in the first indiction [4] on the day after holy Easter, whose festival that year, according to
the method of calculation, fell upon the calends (the first) of April, when five hundred and sixty-eight
years had already elapsed from the incarnation of our Lord.
[1] That is the Avars (Waitz). See supra I, 27.
[2] "At any time within two hundred years,'' adds the Chronicon Gothanum (M. G. Leges IV, 644), and it
was also provided in the agreement that the Avars should aid the Langobards in Italy.
[3] This period is impossible since the Langobards entered Pannonia not far from 546, and left it in 568.
Probably 22 should be substituted for 42 (Hartmann, II, I, 30).
[4] The word '' indiction '' originally meant the declaration of the imposition of a tax. When Constantine
the Great reorganized the Roman Empire he established a fiscal period of fifteen years for this
imposition, beginning A. D. 313. Hence the word in chronology means the number attached to the year
showing its place in a cycle of fifteen years, beginning A. D. 313. There were three kinds of indiction.
The original Greek or Constantinopolitan indiction (here referred to) is reckoned from September 1st of
what we consider the previous year. To find the indiction. add three to the number of the year in the
vulgar era and divide it by 15, the remainder is the indiction. If nothing is left over, it is the 15th
indiction. The year when Alboin left Pannonia was A. D. 568. Adding 3 and dividing by 15 we have 1
remaining, and as the indiction began in September, 567, April of the year 568 was in the 1st indiction,
and the 2d indiction began in September of that year. It will be observed that this date is given by Paul for
Alboin's departure from Pannonia, not for his actual entrance into Italy. Paul apparently takes this from
the Origo (see Appendix II): "And Alboin, king of the Langobards, moved out of Pannonia in the month
of April after Easter, in the first indiction. In the second indiction indeed (September, 568, to September,
569), they began to plunder in Italy, but in the third indiction he became master of Italy." A question has
arisen whether the actual invasion of Italy occurred in 568 or 569. The edict of Rothari, of Nov., 643,
states that it was published (M. G., LL., IV, p. l) in the 76th year after the arrival of the Langobards in the
province of Italy. This indicates that the invasion must have occurred before Nov., 568. But a fragment of
Secundus of June, 580, speaks of the Langobards as ''remaining in Italy 12 years since they entered it in
the month of May in the second indiction.'' In these 12 years, according to a common method of
computation at that time, the 12th year may not have been completed and Secundus' date for the invasion
is clearly May, 569 (see M. G., Script. Rerum Lang. et Ital., p. 25, n. 3 a). Marius of Avenches says that
in 569 Alboin " occupied " Italy, which Muratori thinks (Annals, A. D. 568) must have been a mistake in
the copyist. The Annals of Ravenna (Agnello, a. c. 94) says that in the 2nd indiction (Sept. l, 568, to Sept.
l, 569) Venetia was invaded and occupied by the Langobards. Pope Gregory I wrote June, 595 (Indie. 13,
lib. V, 21) that the Romans had been threatened by the Langobards for 27 years, and in July, 603 (Indie.
6, lib. XIII, 38), for 35 years, but in computing this time the final year is not complete, so that the
probable date of the invasion would be 569 (see Roviglio, infra, p. 12). Cipolla (Atti del R. Istituto
Vcneto, x, 1889-90, series 7, t. i, pp. 686-688) and Roviglio (Sopra Alcuni Dati Cronologici, ReggioEmilia, 1899 contend for 569; Crivellucci (Studii Storici, I, 478-497) and IIodgkin (V, 158) for 568. The
authorities are very equally divided. Secundus, a contemporary and considered reliable, would perhaps be
entitled to the greatest weight, were it not that the official statement in the Edict supports the year given
by Paul.
Chapter VIII.
Therefore, when king Alboin with his whole army and a multitude of people of all kinds [1] had come to
the limits of Italy, he ascended a mountain which stands forth in those places, and from there as far as he
could see, he gazed upon a portion of Italy. Therefore this mountain it is said, was called from that time
on "King's Mountain." [2] They say wild oxen graze upon it, and no wonder, since at this point it touches
Pannonia, which is productive of these animals. In fine, a certain very truthful old man related to me that
he had seen the hide of a wild ox killed on this mountain of such size that in it fifteen men, as he said,
could lie one against the other.
[1] Including no doubt inhabitants of Noricum and Pannonia, Slavs from the East, a strong contingent of
Saxons, and many others belonging to different German races (Hartmann, II, i, p.19).
[2] Rudolf Virchow said at the meeting of the German Anthropological Society, Sept. 5, 1899 (see
Correspondenz-blatt of that Society for 1898-99, p. I 80) that he had taken a special journey to follow the
course of the Langobards into Italy and was convinced that their irruption was by the road over the Predil
pass, thence into the valley of the Isonzo, and that Monte Maggiore (north of Cividale) is the "King's
Mountain " of Paul.
Chapter IX.
When Alboin without any hindrance had thence entered the territories of Venetia, which is the first
province of Italy - that is, the limits of the city or rather of the fortress of Forum Julii (Cividale) [1] - he
began to consider to whom he should especially commit the first of the provinces that he had taken. For
indeed all Italy (which extends toward the south, or rather toward the southeast), is encompassed by the
waves of the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic seas, yet from the west and north it is so shut in by the range of
Alps that there is no entrance to it except through narrow passes and over the lofty summits of the
mountains. Yet from the eastern side by which it is joined to Pannonia it has an approach which lies open
more broadly and is quite level. When Albion therefore, as we have said, reflected whom he ought to
make duke [2] in these places, he determined, as is related, to put over the city of Forum Julii and over its
whole district, [3] his nephew Gisulf, [4] who was his master of horse—whom they call in their own
language "marpahis" [5] - a man suitable in every way. This Gisulf announced that he would not first
undertake the government of this city and people unless Alboin would give him the "faras," that is, the
families or stocks of the Langobards that he himself wished to choose. And this was done, and with the
approval of the king he took to dwell with him the chief families of the Langobards he had desired. [6]
And thus finally, he acquired the honor of a leader. [7] He asked also from the king for herds of high-bred
mares, and in this also he was heeded by the liberality of his chief.
[1] See, however, Waitz, who thinks Colonia Julia Carnia, north of Osopus, is referred to.
[2] As to the meaning of the word '' duke '' at this time see note to II, 32, infra.
[3] The district or duchy of Friuli which Gisulf was to rule cannot be definitely bounded. It reached
northward probably to the Carnic Alps, eastward to the Julian Alps, and southward to a line not far from
the coast which was subject to the sea power of the Eastern Empire. Concordia was not won from the
empire until about 615, and Opitergium in 642. To the west, Friuli was bounded by other Langobard
territory, especially by the duchy of Ceneda from which it was separated by the Tagliamento or Livenza
(IIodg., VI, 43, 44). The Bavarians dwelt northwest of the duchy, the Slavonians northeast, and behind
them the Asiatic Avars (Hodgkin, VI, 44). Cividale was made the capital instead of Aquileia which had
been the chief city (Hodgkin, VI, 39). Friuli is the first mentioned of the four great dukedoms
conspicuous by their size and power over all others during the period of the Langobards: Friuli, Trent,
Spoleto, and Benevento. The two last were largely independent of the Langobard kingdom. Trent and
Friuli never succeeded in achieving their independence although this was several times attempted (Hodg.,
VI, 23).
[4] Bethmnnn believes that it was Grasulf, Gisulf's father (Waitz).
[5] From 'mar', 'mare' a horse and 'paizan' to put on the bit, according to Grimm (Abel, Hodgkin, VI, 42;
V, l6l).
[6] Indeed it was by faras or clans that Italy in general was first occupied by the Langobards (Hartmann
II, 1, 21).
[7] Read ducior instead of doctor.
Chapter X.
In these days in which the Langobards invaded Italy, the kingdom of the Franks, divided into four parts
upon the death of their king Chlotar, was ruled by his four sons. The first among these, Aripert
(Charibert) had the seat of his kingdom at Paris; [1] the second indeed, Gunthram held sway at the city of
Aureliani (Orleans) ; the third, Hilperic (Chilperic) had his throne at Sessionae (Soissons), in the place of
Chlotar, his father; the fourth, Sigisbert, ruled at the city of Mettis (Metz). [2] At this time, too, the most
holy Benedict as pope governed the Roman Church. [3] Also the blessed patriarch Paul presided over the
city of Aquileia and its people and, fearing the barbarity of the Langobards, fled from Aquileia to the
island of Grado; [4] and he carried away with him all the treasure of his church. [5] In this year in the
early winter as much snow fell in the plain as is wont to fall upon the summits of the Alps, and in the
following summer there was such great fertility as no other age claims to remember. At this time too
when they had learned of the death of king Chlotar, the Huns, who are also called Avars, attacked his son
Sigisbert and the latter, coming up to meet them in Turingia, overcame them with great force near the
river Albis (Elbe) and gave peace to them when they sought it. Brunicheldis, [6] coming from Spain, is
joined in marriage to this Sigisbert, and from her he had a son by name Childepert. The Avars, fighting
again with Sigisbert in the same places as before, crushed the army of the Franks and obtained the
victory.
[1] Charibert in fact had died in 567, just before the Langobards invaded Italy (Hodgkin, V, 199).
[2] See infra. III, 10, note. The name is there spelled Sigispert.
[3] This is erroneous. It was John III who was pope from 560 to 573 (Jacobi, 48). Benedict was pope 573-
578. Paul was led
into this error by a statement in the Liber Pontificalis from which he took the account, that at the time of
Benedict, the Langobards invaded all Italy (Ed L. Duchesne, I, 308; Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899,
p. 118, note.)
[4] An island near Aquileia and close to the mainland but inaccessible to the Langobards who had no
boats.
[5] It was Paulinus, not Paul who thus fled to Grado (Waitz).
[6] Or Brunichildis, Brunihilde, as Paul variously spells it. Book 2
Chapter XI.
Narses indeed returned from Campania to Rome and there not long afterwards, departed from this life,
[1] and his body, placed in a leaden casket, was carried with all his riches to Constantinople.
[1] About 573 or perhaps a year or two earlier (Hodg., V, 65).
Chapter XII.
When Alboin then came to the river Plavis (Piave), Felix the bishop of the church of Tarvisium (Treviso)
came forth there to meet him, and the king, since he was very generous, [1] granted to him at his request
all the property of his church and confirmed the things asked for by a solemn document. [2]
[1] His generosity is also extolled in the song of Widsith (Hodgkin, V, 176).
[2] This has been questioned since the Langobards were then ignorant of writing, but it is not impossible
(Waitz).
Chapter XIII.
Because indeed, we have made mention of this Felix, we may also relate a few things concerning the
venerable and very wise man Fortunatus, who had declared that this Felix was his colleague. In short,
this Fortunatus of whom we speak was born in a place which is called Duplabilis, which place lies not far
from the fortress of Ceneta (Ceneda) and the city of Tarvisium (Treviso). He was, however, brought up
and instructed at Ravenna and became very distinguished in the grammatical, the rhetorical and also the
metrical art. And since he suffered a very grievous disease of the eyes, and this Felix also, his colleague,
in like manner suffered in his eyes, they both proceeded to the church of the blessed Paul and John,
which is situated within that city, and in which, an altar, built in honor of St. Martin the Confessor, has a
window near by in which a lamp was set to give light. With the oil of this, these men, that is, Fortunatus
and Felix, presently touched their suffering eyes. Instantly the disease was driven away, and they
obtained the health they longed for. For this reason Fortunatus adored the blessed Martin so much that he
abandoned his country a little before the Langobards invaded Italy, and set out for the sepulchre of that
blessed man at Turones (Tours), and he relates that his way of proceeding thither, as he tells it himself in
his songs, was by the streams of Tiliamentum (Tagliamento) and Reuna (Ragogna), and by Osupus
(Osopo) and the Julian Alps, [1] and by the fortress of Aguntum (Innichen) and the rivers Drave and
Byrrus (Rienz), and by Briones (the Brenner), and the city of Augusta (Augsburg), which the Virdo
(Wertach) and Lecha (Lech) water. And after he had come to Turones (Tours), according to his own
vow, passing on through Pictavi (Poitiers), he dwelt there and wrote at that place of the doings of many
saints, part in prose and part in metrical fashion, and lastly in the same city he was ordained, first as a
presbyter and then as a bishop, and in the same place he reposes buried with befitting honor. Here he
wrote the life of St. Martin in four books in heroic meter, and he composed many other things, most of
all hymns for particular festivals and especially little verses to particular friends, being second to none of
the poets in soft and fluent speech. At his grave, when I came thither for the purpose of prayer, [2] upon
the request of Aper the abbot of that place I composed this epitaph to be inscribed there:
Here in this soil Fortunatus lies buried, the first among prophets,
Born in Ausonian land, worthy of honor in deed,
Famous in talent, quick to perceive and in speech ever gentle.
Many an eloquent page sings his melodious lay.
Fresh from his holy lips, to show us the way to salvation,
Deeds of the saints we learn - fathers of primitive times.
Happy art thou, O land of Gaul, with such jewels emblazoned,
Whose resplendent fire scatters the shadows of night !
Verses of commonplace song, in thy honor, O saint, have I written,
Lest thy fame lie hid, lost in the depths of the crowd.
Render I pray a return, and ask through thy infinite merits
That the Eternal Judge mercy show also to me.
In a few words we have touched upon these things concerning so great a man, that his fellow citizens
might not be wholly ignorant of his life; now let us return to the thread of our history.
[1] This part of the range is to-day called the Carnic Alps (Studii Storici, 1899, p. 405).
[2] Between the years 782-786 (Waitz).
Chapter XIV.
Then Alboin took Vincentia (Vicenza) and Verona and the remaining cities of Venetia, except Patavium
(Padua), Mons Silicis (Monselice) and Mantua.[1] For Venetia is composed not only of the few islands
which we now call Venice, but its boundary stretches from the borders of Pannonia to the river Addua
(Adda). This is proved in the books of annals in which Pergamus (Bergamo) is said to be a city of
Venetia and in histories we thus read of lake Benacus (Lago di Garda): "Benacus, a lake of Venetia from
which the river Mincius (Mincio) flows. "The Eneti, indeed (though a letter is added among the Latins),
are called in Greek the "praiseworthy." Histria is also joined to Venetia and both are considered one
province. Histria is named from the river Hister which, according to Roman history, is said to have been
broader than it is now. The city of Aquileia was the capital of this Venetia, in place of which is now
Forum Julii (Cividale), so called because Julius Caesar had established there a market for business.
[1] Paul is probably in error in saying that Mantua was not taken by Alboin. It was indeed later taken by
Agilulf, but this was after it had been recaptured by the Greeks during the reign of Authari (Pabst, p. 409,
note).
Chapter XV.
I do not think we are wandering from the subject if we also touch briefly upon other provinces of Italy.
[1] The second province is called Liguria from gathering, that is, collecting leguminous plants with
which it is well supplied. In this are Mediolanum (Milan) and Ticinum, which is called by another name,
Papia (Pavia). It extends to the boundaries of the Gauls. Between it and Suavia (Suabia), that is, the
country of the Alamanni, which is situated toward the north, two provinces, namely, the first Retia
(Rhaetia) and the second Retia are placed among the Alps in which, strictly speaking, the Reti
(Rhaetians) are known to dwell.
[1] A full account of these provinces is found near the end of Appendix II.
Chapter XVI.
The Cottian Alps are called the fifth province, which were thus named from king Cottius, who lived at
the time of Nero. This (province) extends from Liguria toward the southeast [1] to the Tyrrhenian sea; on
the west indeed it is joined to the territories of the Gauls. In it are contained the cities of Aquis [2]
(Acqui) where there are hot springs, Dertona (Tortona), the monastery of Bobium (Bobbio), Genua
(Genoa), and Saona (Savona). The sixth province is Tuscia (Tuscany) which is thus called from "tus"
(frankincense) which its people were wont to burn superstitiously in the sacrifices to their gods. This
includes Aurclia toward the northwest and Umbria on the eastern side. In this province Rome was
situated, which was formerly the capital of the whole world. In Umbria indeed, which is counted a
portion of it, are Perusium (Perugia) and lake Clitorius (Lago di Bolsena) and Spoletium (Spoleto), and it
is called Umbria because it remained above the furious rains (imbres) when long ago a watery scourge
devastated the nations.
[1] Read 'eurum' in place of 'eorum'.
[2] Or Aquae Statiellae.
Chapter XVII
Campania, the seventh province, stretches from the city of Rome to the Siler (Sele), a river of Lucania. In
it the very rich cities of Capua, Neapolis (Naples) and Salernus (Salerno) are situated. It is called
Campania on account of the very fertile plain (campus) of Capua, but it is for the most part mountainous.
Next the eighth province, Lucania, which received its name from a certain grove (lucus), begins at the
river Siler and extends with Brittia (Bruttium [1]), which was thus called from the name of its former
queen, along the coast of the Tyrrhenian sea like the two last named provinces, as far as the Sicilian
strait, and it embraces the right horn of Italy. In it are placed the cities of Pestus (Paestum), Lainus (Lao),
Cassianum (Cassano), Consentia (Cosenza), and Regium (Reggio).
[1] Now Calabria.
Chapter XVIII.
Then the ninth province is reckoned in the Apennine Alps [1] which take their origin from the place
where the Cottian Alps terminate. These Apennine Alps, stretching through the middle of Italy, separate
Tuscia (Tuscany) from Emilia and Umbria from Flamminia. Here are the cities of Ferronianus (Frignano)
and Montembellium (Monteveglio), Bobium (Bobbio) and Urbinum (Urbino), and also the town which is
called Verona. [2] The Apennine Alps were named from the Carthaginians (Poeni)—that is, from
Hannibal and his army who had a passage through them when marching upon Rome. [3] There are some
who say that the Cottian and Apennine Alps are one province, but the history of Victor [4] which called
the Cottian Alps a province by itself refutes them. The tenth province Emilia, beginning from Liguria
extends towards Ravenna between the Apennine Alps and the waters of the Padus (Po). It is adorned with
wealthy cities, to wit, Placentia (Piacenza), Parma, Regium (Reggio), [5] Bononia (Bologna), and the
Forum of Cornelius, the fortress of which is called Imolas (Imola). There were also some who called
Emilia and Valeria and Nursia one province, but the opinion of these cannot stand because Tuscia and
Umbria are situated between Emilia and Valeria and Nursia.
[1] This province described by Paul is wholly imaginary. The others are substantially accurate. See
Appendix II near the end.
[2] Paul elsewhere shows that Frignano and Monteveglio were actually in ^Emilia, Bobbio in the Cottian
Alps and Verona in Venetia (Mommsen, 87).
[3] It will be observed that most of Paul's derivations, though taken from earlier authorities, are highly
fanciful.
[4] Life of Nero by Sextus Aurelius Victor.
[5] This was the ancient Regium Lepidi now Reggio d'Emilia, to distinguish it from Reggio in Calabria.
Book 2
Chapter XIX.
The eleventh of the provinces is Flamminia, which lies between the Apennine Alps and the Adriatic sea.
In it are situated Ravenna, the most noble of cities, and five other towns which are called by a Greek
name, the Pentapolis. [1] Now it is agreed that Aurelia, Emilia and Flamminia are called by these names
from the paved roads which come from the city of Rome and from the names of those by whom they
were paved. After Flamminia comes the twelfth province, Picenus, having upon the south the Apennine
mountains and on the other side the Adriatic sea. It extends to the river Piscaria. [2] In it are the cities of
Firmus (Fermo), Asculus (Ascoli), Pinnis (Penne), and Hadria, already fallen to ruin with old age, which
has given its name to the Adriatic sea. When the inhabitants of this district hastened thither from the
Sabines, a griffin (picus) sat upon their banner and from this cause it took the name Picenus.
[1] The five cities are Rimini, Ancona, Fano, Pesaro and Sinigaglia.
[2] Mommsen (92) considers that this boundary is incorrect.
Chapter XX.
Valeria, the thirteenth province, to which Nursia is attached, is situated between Umbria and Campania
and Picenus, and it touches on the cast the region of the Samnites. Its western part, which takes its
beginning from the city of Rome, was formerly called Etruria from the Etruscan people. It contains the
cities of Tibur (Tivoli), Carsioli and Reate (Rieti), Furcona (Aquila), Amiternum (San Vettorino) and the
region of the Marsians and their lake which is called Fucinus (Celano). I think that the territory of the
Marsians should be reckoned within the province of Valeria, because it is not at all described by the
ancients in the catalogue of the provinces of Italy, but if any one may prove by correct reasoning that this
is a province by itself, his sensible opinion by all means should be accepted. The fourteenth province,
Samnium, beginning from the Piscaria, lies between Campania, the Adriatic Sea and Apulia. In it are the
cities of Theate (Chieti), Aufidena, Hisernia and Samnium, fallen to ruin by old age, from which the
whole province is named, and that most wealthy Beneventum (Benevento) the capital of these provinces.
Furthermore, the Samnites received their name formerly from the spears which they were wont to carry
and which the Greeks called 'saynia'.[1]
[1] more properly a javelin.
Chapter XXI.
The fifteenth of the provinces is Apulia, and united with it is Calabria. [1] In it is the Salentine territory.
This has Samnium and Lucania on the west and southwest, but on the east it is bounded by the Adriatic
Sea. It contains the tolerably rich cities of Luceria (Lucera), Sepontum (Siponto), Canusium (Canosa),
Agerentia (Acerenza?), Brundisium (Brindisi), Tarentum (Taranto) and in the left horn of Italy which
extends fifty miles, Ydrontum (Otranto), well adapted to commerce. [2] Apulia is named from "
destruction," [3] for more quickly there (than elsewhere) does the herbage of the land perish in the heat
of the sun.
[1] Not the present Calabria but the southeastern extremity of the Adriatic shore of Italy.
[2] 'Mercimoniis'. See DuCange.
[3] from the Greek 'to destroy'.
Chapter XXII.
The island of Sicily is reckoned the sixteenth province. This is washed by the Tyrrhenian sea and by the
Ionian, and is so called from the proper name of the leader Siculus. Corsica is put down as the
seventeenth, Sardinia as the eighteenth province. Both of these are girt by the waves of the Tyrrhenian
sea. Corsica is named from the leader Corsus; Sardinia from Sardis (Serdis?) the son of Hercules.
Chapter XXIII.
It is certain, moreover, [1] that the old writers of history called Liguria and part of Venetia, as well as
Emilia and Flamminia, Cisalpine Gaul. Hence it is that Donatus, the grammarian, in his explanation of
Virgil, says that Mantua is in Gaul. Hence it is that we read in Roman history that Ariminum (Rimini) is
situated in Gaul. Indeed, in the most ancient period, Brennus, king of the Gauls, who reigned at the city
of Senonae (Sens), came with 300,000 Senonian Gauls to Italy and occupied it as far as Senogallia
(Sinigaglia), which is named from the Senonian Gauls. And the reason why the Gauls came to Italy is
represented to have been this: When they tasted the wine brought from that country, they were enticed by
greed for this wine and passed over into Italy. While a hundred thousand of these were hastening along
not far from the island of Delphi, they were killed by the swords of the Greeks. Another hundred
thousand, having entered Galatia, [2] were first called Gallogreci, but afterwards Galatians, and these are
those to whom Paul, the teacher of the heathen, wrote his epistle. Also a hundred thousand of the Gauls
who remained in Italy built Ticinum (Pavia), Mediolanum (Milan), Pergamus (Bergamo) and Brixia
(Brescia), and gave to the region the name of Cisalpine Gaul, and they arc the Senonian Gauls who
formerly invaded the city of Romulus. For as we call what is beyond the Alps, Transalpine Gaul, so we
name what is within the Alps on this side, Cisalpine Gaul.
[1] 'Tamen' - but here used in a copulative and not an adversative sense. See Crivellucci Studii Storici,
1809, p. 259.
[2] In Asia Minor
Chapter XXIV
Italy then, which contains these provinces received its name from Italus, the leader of the Siculi, who
took possession of it in ancient times. Or it is denominated Italy on this account, because large oxen, that
is, "itali," are found in it; and the name comes from this, that by abbreviation "vitulus" (a calf) is "italus,"
one letter being added and another changed. Italy is also called Ausonia from Ausonus, son of Ulysses.
Originally indeed, the region of Beneventum was called by this name but afterwards all Italy began to be
called so. Italy is also called Latium on this account, because Saturn fleeing from Jupiter his son found a
hiding place (latebra) within it. Since enough then has been said concerning the provinces and name of
Italy, the events within which we are narrating, let us now return to the regular order of our history.
Chapter XXV.
Alboin then, came into Liguria at the beginning of the third indiction [1] on the third day before the
nones [2] of September, and entered Mediolanum during the times of the archbishop Honoratus. Then he
took all the cities of Liguria except those which were situated upon the shores of the sea. The archbishop
Honoratus indeed, deserting Mediolanum, fled to the city of Genoa. The patriarch Paul [3] too, after
administering his priestly office for twelve years, departed from this life and left the church to be
managed by Probinus.
[1] A. D. 569, see Bk. II, ch. VII, note.
[2] The nones was the 9th day before the ides, both days being included, and the ides fell upon the 15th
of March, May, July and
October and upon the l3th of the remaining months. The nones therefore fell upon the 7th of March,
May, July and October and upon the 5th of other months. The 3rd day before the nones of September,
reckoned backward from. the 5th and including both days, would therefore be the 3rd of September, and
this is the day given by Muratori in his Annals, Vol. 3, p. 479.
[3] Of Aquileia.
Chapter XXVI.
The city of Ticinum (Pavia) at this time held out bravely, withstanding a siege more than three years,
while the army of the Langobards remained close at hand on the western side. Meanwhile Alboin, after
driving out the soldiers, took possession of everything as far as Tuscany except Rome and Ravenna and
some other fortified places which were situated on the shore of the sea. The Romans had then no courage
to resist because the pestilence which occurred at the time of Narses had destroyed very many in Liguria
and Venetia, and after the year of plenty of which we spoke, a great famine attacked and devastated all
Italy. It is certain that Alboin then brought with him to Italy many men from various peoples which either
other kings or he himself had taken. Whence, even until today, we call the villages in which they dwell
Gepidan, Bulgarian, Sarmatian, Pannonian, Suabian, Norican, or by other names of this kind.
Chapter XXVII.
The city of Ticinum indeed, after enduring the siege for three years and some months, at length
surrendered to Alboin and to the Langobards besieging it. When Alboin entered it through the so-called
gate of St. John from the eastern side of the city, his horse fell in the middle of the gateway, and could
not be gotten up, although urged by kicks and afterwards struck by the blows of spears. Then one of
those Langobards thus spoke to the king, saying: ''Remember sir king, what vow you have plighted.
Break so grievous a vow and you will enter the city, for truly there is a Christian people in this city."
Alboin had vowed indeed that he would put all the people to the sword because they had been unwilling
to surrender. After he broke this vow and promised mercy to the citizens, his horse straightway rose and
he entered the city and remained steadfast in his promise, inflicting injury upon no one. Then all the
people, gathering around him in the palace which king Theoderic had formerly built, began to feel
relieved in mind, and after so many miseries were already confident in hope for the future. Book 2
Chapter XXVIII.
After this king had ruled in Italy three years and six months, he was slain by the treachery of his wife, [1]
and the cause of his murder was this: While he sat in merriment at a banquet at Verona longer than was
proper, with the cup which he had made of the head of his father-in-law, king Cunimund, he ordered it to
be given to the queen to drink wine, and he invited her to drink merrily with her father. Lest this should
seem impossible to any one, I speak the truth in Christ. I saw king Ratchis holding this cup in his hand on
a certain festal day to show it to his guests. Then Rosemund, when she heard the thing, conceived in her
heart deep anguish she could not restrain, and straightway she burned to revenge the death of her father
by the murder of her husband, and presently she formed a plan with Helmechis who was the king's squire
(scilpor) - that is, his armor-bearer - and his foster brother, to kill the king, and he persuaded the queen
that she ought to admit to this plot Peredeo, who was a very strong man. As Peredeo would not give his
consent to the queen when she advised so great a crime, she put herself at night in the bed of her dressingmaid with whom Peredeo was accustomed to have intercourse, and then Peredeo, coming in ignorance,
lay with the queen. And when the wicked act was already accomplished and she asked him whom he
thought her to be, and he named the name of his mistress that he thought she was, the queen added: "It is
in no way as you think, but I am Rosemund, "she says," and surely now you have perpetrated such a deed,
Peredeo, that either you must kill Alboin or he will slay you with his sword." Then he learned the evil
thing he had done, and he who had been unwilling of his own accord, assented, when forced in such a
way, to the murder of the king. Then Rosemund, while Alboin had given himself up to a noon-day sleep,
ordered that there should be a great silence in the palace, and taking away all other arms, she bound his
sword tightly to the head of the bed so it could not be taken away or unsheathed, and according to the
advice of Peredeo, she, more cruel than any beast, let in Helmechis the murderer. [2] Alboin suddenly
aroused from sleep perceived the evil which threatened and reached his hand quickly for his sword,
which, being tightly tied, he could not draw, yet he seized a foot-stool and defended himself with it for
some time. But unfortunately alas! this most warlike and very brave man being helpless against his
enemy, was slain as if he were one of no account, and he who was most famous in war through the
overthrow of so many enemies, perished by the scheme of one little woman. His body was buried with the
great grief and lamentations of the Langobards under the steps of a certain flight of stairs which was next
to the palace. He was tall in stature and well fitted in his whole body for waging wars. In our own days
Giselpert, who had been duke of Verona, opened his grave and took away his sword and any other of his
ornaments found there. And for this reason he boasted with his accustomed vanity among ignorant men
that he had seen Alboin.[3]
[1] Probably May 25th or June 28th, A. D. 572, or possibly 573 (Hodg., V, 168, 181; Roviglio, Sopra
Alcuni Dati Cronologici di Storia Langobardica. Reggio-Emilia, 1899, pp. 21 to 27).
[2] This reading of Paul seems to reverse the parts, making Peredeo the adviser and Helmechis the actual
murderer, and seems to indicate that Paul has misunderstood his authorities or confused them. The names
are transposed in some of the manuscripts to bring the sentence into harmony with what precedes.
Agnellus ignores Peredeo altogether and assigns the whole responsibility for the murder to Helmechis,
instigated by Rosemund (Hodgkin, V, 170). But after deducting what is undoubtedly legendary we have
statements from contemporary sources essentially harmonious. The Annals of Ravenna (Exc. Sang.
Agnell., ch. 96) says, " Alboin was killed by his followers in his palace by command of his wife
Rosemund." John Biclaro: "Alboin is killed at night at Verona by his followers by the doing of his wife.
Marius: ''Alboin was killed by his followers, that is by Hilmaegis with the rest, his wife agreeing to it."
The Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper: "Alboin was killed at Verona by the treachery of his wife
Rosemund, the daughter of king Conimund, Elmigisilus aiding her" (Schmidt, p. 72).
[3] Hodgkin (V, 175) notices a reference to Alboin in the so-called Traveler's song or Widsith which was
composed probably about the middle of the sixth century. Lines 139 to 147 say, "So was I in Eatule with
Lalfwin, son of Eadwin, who of all mankind had to my thinking the lightest hand to win love, the most
generous hear; in the distribution of rings and bright bracelets." It seems probable that Eatule means Italy;
Ealfwin, Alboin; Eadwin, Audoin.
Chapter XXIX.
Helmechis then, upon the death of Alboin, attempted to usurp his kingdom, but he could not at all do this,
because the Langobards, grieving greatly for the king's death, strove to make way with him. And
straightway Rosemund sent word to Longinus, prefect of Ravenna, that he should quickly send a ship [1]
to fetch them. Longinus, delighted by such a message, speedily sent a ship in which Helmechis with
Rosemund his wife embarked, fleeing at night. They took with them Albsuinda, the daughter of the king,
and all the treasure of the Langobards, and came swiftly to Ravenna. [2] Then the prefect Longinus began
to urge Rosemund to kill Helmechis and to join him in wedlock. As she was ready for every kind of
wickedness and as she desired to become mistress of the people of Ravenna, she gave her consent to the
accomplishment of this great crime, and while Helmechis was bathing himself, she offered him, as he
came out of the bath, a cup of poison which she said was for his health. But when he felt that he had
drunk the cup of death, he compelled Rosemund, having drawn his sword upon her, to drink what was
left, and thus these most wicked murderers perished at one moment by the judgment of God Almighty.
[1] Probably to some point on the I'o not far from Verona (Hodg., V, 172, note l).
[2] As to Rosemund's flight to Longinus, the Ravenna Annals (Agnello, ch. 96) show that Rosemund with
a multitude of Cepidae and Langobards came to Ravenna in the month of August with all the royal
treasure and was honorably received by Longinus the prefect. Marius says that Helmegis, with his wife
and all the treasure and a part of the army, surrendered to the republic at Ravenna. John Biclaro says: that
Alboin's treasure with the queen came into the power of the republic and the Langobards remained
without king and treasure. The Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper (p. 34) says she attempted to unite
Helmigis to herself in marriage and in the kingdom, but when she perceived that her treacherous
usurpation displeased the Langobards, she fled with the royal treasure and her husband to Ravenna
(Schmidt, 73).
Chapter XXX.
When they had thus been killed, the prefect Longinus sent Albsuinda with the treasures of the Langobards
to Constantinople to the emperor. Some affirm that Peredeo also came to Ravenna in like manner with
Helmechis and Rosemund, and was thence sent with Albsuinda to Constantinople, and there in a public
show before the emperor killed a lion of astonishing size and, as they say, by command of the emperor,
his eyes were torn out lest he should attempt anything in the imperial city because he was a strong man.
After some time he prepared for himself two small knives, hid one in each of his sleeves, went to the
palace and promised to say something serviceable to the emperor if lie were admitted to him. The
emperor sent him two patricians, familiars of the palace, to receive his words. When they came to
Peredeo, he approached them quite closely as if about to tell them something unusually secret, and he
wounded both of them severely with the weapons he held concealed in each hand so that immediately
they fell to the ground and expired. And thus in no way unlike the mighty Sampson, he avenged his
injuries, and for the loss of his two eyes he killed two men most useful to the emperor.
Chapter XXXI.
All the Langobards in Italy by common consent installed as their king in the city of Ticinum, Cleph, a
very noble man among them. [1] Of many powerful men of the Romans some he destroyed by the sword
and others he drove from Italy. When he had held the sovereignty with Masane, his wife one year and six
months, he was slain with the sword by a servant of his train. [2]
[1] "Of the race of Beleo'' says the Origo. Marius of Avenches (Chron., 573, Roncalli, p. 413, see Pabst,
415, note 5) says he had been one of the dukes.
[2] The precise dates are uncertain. Marius of Avenches says he was elected in the sixth indiction and
slain in the seventh, hence both events took place between Sept. 1st, 572, and Sept. 1st, 574 (Roviglio,
Sopra Alcuni Dati Cronologici, p. 28).
Chapter XXXII.
After his death the Langobards had no king for ten years [1] but were under dukes, [2] and each one of
the dukes held possession of his own city, Zaban of Ticinum (Pavia), Wallari of Bergamus (Bergamo),
Alichis of Brexia (Brescia), Euin of Tridentum (Trent),[3] Gisulf of Forum Julii (Cividale).[4] But there
were thirty other dukes besides these in their own cities.[5] In these days many of the noble Romans were
killed from love of gain, and the remainder were divided among their " guests " and made tributaries, that
they should pay the third part of their products to the Langobards. [6] By these dukes of the Langobards
in the seventh year from the coming of Alboin [7] and of his whole people, the churches were despoiled,
the priests killed, the cities overthrown, the people who had grown up like crops annihilated, and besides
those regions which Alboin had taken, the greater part of Italy was seized and subjugated by the
Langobards.
[1] The Origo Gentis Langobardorum, the Chronicon Gothanum, Fredegarius and the Copenhagen
Continuer of Prosper all give twelve years as the period of this interregnum. A computation of the
preceding and subsequent reigns appears to sustain Paul's statement (Roviglio, id., pp. 29-31) which,
however, is not free from doubt.
[2] Duces. It is not certain what was the Langobard name for these rulers. Some suggest (Hodgkin, V,
183, 184) Heretoga (the present German Herzog). The prefix and suffix ari which occurs frequently in
Langobard names (e. g., Aripert, Arioald, Rothari) may have some connection with this dignity. The
Latin word dux was appropriately applied, as it meant both a leader in the field and a commander of
frontier troops and of a frontier district (Hartmann, II, I, 40). Schmidt (p. 78) insists that the division of
Italy into dukedoms was nothing else than the ancient Langobard division of their territory into cantons,
only these were now connected with the former city territories of the Romans.
[3] Duke Euin (569-595) followed by Gaidoald in the latter year, and Alahis about 680 and 690, are the
only three dukes of Trent mentioned in Paul's history (Hodg-., VI, 23). The duchy of Trent probably
ascended by the Central Valley of the Adigo as far northward as the Alansio of Kuna, the modern town of
Neumarkt, and southward to a point near the present Austro-Italian frontier where the mountains begin to
slope down to the Lombard plain (Hodg., VI, 26).
[4] The dukes of Friuli were Gisulf (living in 575), Grasulf II, Taso, Cacco, Ago, Lupus (about 662),
Wechtari (between 662 and 671), Landari, Rodoald, Ansfrit (between 688 and 700), Ferdulf, Corvulus,
Pemmo, Anselm, Peter and Ratgaud or Hrodgaud (775 to 776) (Hodg., VI, 36).
[5] Pabst (437) gives the list of probable cities referred to: Friuli, Parma, Cremona, Trent, Brescia,
Bergamo, Novara, Milan, Pavia, Reggio, Ivrea, Turin, Mantua, Altino, Mariana, Feltre, Belluno, Alba
Pompeia, Acqui, Lucca, Chiusi, Perugia, Benevento, Ceneda, Piacenza, Como, Treviso, Modena, Lodi,
Vicenza, Brescello, Vercelli, Verona, Asti, Tortona, Spoleto (see p. 439). This makes thirty-six cities
instead of the thirty-five, and probably Pabst included one or more not yet occupied by the Langobards
(Hodgkin, V, 188). Pabst also gives a very complete account of this office of duke. At first it was not
hereditary (p. 414-415) but was held for life (p. 432). Dukes were not selected on account of their noble
birth (though nobles were frequently found among them), but on account of their military and
administrative ability. The duke was not chosen by the people but appointed by the king (p. 414). During
the interregnum of ten years when the dukes governed different portions of the country, there was a great
increase of the ducal power. It became evident, however, that the government could not continue thus subdivided. The kingly power was restored but in the meantime some of the dukedoms, particularly
Benevento and Spoleto, and in a measure Friuli had become so powerful that they were never again
wholly subjected to the king. The succession in Benevento and Spoleto became hereditary, and even in
Friuli the rights of the ruling family were respected (Paul, IV, 39; Pabst, 432). The duke's jurisdiction
extended, not simply over a particular city, but over the adjoining district or province (pp.434-435). In
determining the limits of this district the ancient boundaries were generally observed (p.435). The first
definite statement of the powers of the duke is found in the laws of Rothari about the middle of the 7th
century. He had supreme military, judicial and police jurisdiction in his district (pp.439, 440). His control
of the financial administration was not so complete (p.440). At his side, at least in the northern dukedoms,
stood the counts and 'gastaldi' who were the immediate representatives of the king. The counts are named
next after the dukes (p.441), though their jurisdiction nowhere (p.442) appears, and Pabst considers that
the name is a mere honorary title for a particular 'gastaldus' (or 'gastaldins'). This latter word is derived, in
his opinion, from the Gothic 'gastaldan', to possess, acquire. A better derivation would seem to be from
'gast' and 'aldius', the "guest of the half-free" who settled as a lord on the property of the conquered
Italians, and compelled them to serve him and give him a portion of the proceeds of their lands. The
'gastaldi' would then be the lords or administrators of these Italian domains (Bruckner, 205). When the
dukes reestablished the kingly power (P.III, 16) they gave up one-half of their fortunes for royal uses.
Paul tells us that at this time the oppressed people were parcelled out among their Langobard guests, and
it is probable that the gastaldi (whose name would appear to refer to such apportionment) were first
appointed at that time. In each 'civitas' or city with its adjacent territory there appears to have been a
gastaldus whose duty it was to look after the royal interests, and especially, the royal domains (p. 443).
He received the king's share of inheritances when heirs were lacking and gradually came into possession
of most of the financial administration (p.444). Dukes, counts, and gastaldi, are all designated by the
common name of "judges" (pp.447-448), and certain police authority is also given them—for example, to
remove lepers (p.449), to arrest fugitives, etc. A peculiar provision of Rothari's Edict (23) is, that if a
duke shall unjustly injure his soldier the gastaldus shall aid the latter and (24), if the gastaldus shall
unjustly injure his soldier, the duke shall protect the injured man (p.443, note 3). Quite different is the
position of the gasfaldi of Benevento and Spoleto where the dukes were practically sovereign (470). We
see at the courts of these dukes the same officials as at the royal court, the 'cubicularius' or chamberlain,
the 'stolesaz', or treasurer, etc. (p.472). We find many royal expedients to limit the ducal power. Territory
reconquered from the Greek empire or from rebellious dukes became the property of the sovereign
(p.463), and gastaldi rather than dukes were appointed to administer it. When Liutprand endeavored to
strengthen the royal power, he took advantage in Friuli of a contest between Bishop Calixtus and Duke
Pemmo and deprived Pemmo of the dukedom, but appointed Pemmo's eldest son Ratchis in his place (see
P., VI, 51). Liutprand also deposed and appointed dukes for Spoleto and Benevento, and set aside for a
time the hereditary succession, but he did not permanently reduce these duchies to subjection. In the other
parts of the kingdom, immediately subject to him, however (which were called Austria, Neustria and
Tuscia), he appointed gasialdi in the cities where there had been dukes, and greatly strengthened his own
power by increasing the powers and responsibilities of the gastaldi. In his edicts he does not use the word
"duke" at all, but continually uses the word "judge" in place of it, which latter term includes both dukes
and gastaldi, and the two are now no longer found side by side in a single jurisdiction. Pabst (482-483)
has given a list of the cities which, under Liutprand, were ruled by dukes and of those which were ruled
by gastaldi. The list is incomplete, and perhaps in part incorrect, yet it shows in a general way the extent
of the separation of the two offices. There were also subordinate officials. Among these were the 'adores',
who were the king's agents in administering particular royal domains, and under the judges the 'sculdahis',
or local magistrates, and the 'centenarii' and 'locopositi', probably of similar grade (p.500, see Hartmann,
II, 2, 39). In an ordinary judicial proceeding the complainant betook him in the first place to the
'sculdahis', the local civil magistrate. If the case were so important that the sculdahis could not decide it,
he had to send the parties to the judge (i. e., the duke or gaslaldus) (Pabst, 485), but if it were beyond the
jurisdiction of the latter, the parties had to appear in the king's court. If the judge could not act personally
he could appoint a deputy ('missus') to act for him in individual cases. The party defeated in a legal
proceeding had the right to complain to a higher jurisdiction of the decision or the conduct of the
magistrate who decided against him (Hartmann, II, 2, 41), and if it were found that the judge had failed in
his duties he was punished (at least until the time of king Ratchis), not by dismissal, but by a fine (Pabst,
487). In their powers, duties and responsibilities dukes and gastaldi at last appear to be quite alike, and
while a larger domain generally appears annexed to the office of duke, the gastaldi usually have the
administration of the royal estates (p.489). Possibly the king could change the gastaldi more quickly than
the dukes whose term of office lasted for life, but this appears to be the only point in which the duke had
the advantage. These arrangements suffered little change during the latter days of the kingdom.
[6] There is much controversy as to the meaning of this sentence. Does the "remainder " who were
divided, refer to all the Romans, or merely to the nobles who were not killed? Hodgkin (VI, 581) believes
it refers to the rest of the Roman inhabitants. Villari (Le Invasion! Barbariche, II, 32) insists that it refers
grammatically to the nobles only, and asks how it would have been possible to render tributary all the
Romans, thus obliging those who possessed nothing to pay one-third of the fruits of the earth? It would
seem that it must be limited at least to the Roman landed proprietors who might well at this time have
been roughly designated as nobles in this connection. The word ''guest'' (hospes) expressed a relation that
could exist only between the Langobard and the Roman proprietor. That of ''patron'' existed toward the
peasants and cultivators of the lands (Villari, pp. 272, 273). The relation of "guests" also existed
elsewhere between Burgundians and conquered Romans. The Roman whose land was assigned to a
Burgundian was called hospes and vice versa. The land thus assigned was called 'sors', and the right to it
'hospitalitas' (Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, I, p. 298). The whole free
Roman population was treated by the Langobards quite differently from the manner in which they had
been treated by Theodoric and the Ostrogoths, who simply took one third of their land and left them as
independent as before. The Langobards took one-third, not of the land, but of its products, and there is
much dispute as to the status in which they held the Roman population. Although Villari (Le Invasioni
Barbariche, pp. 265, 266, 271-272) and others deny that this population was reduced to slavery, the better
opinion seems to be that during the wars of conquest and the earlier period of Langobard domination, the
Romans were regarded as conquered enemies destitute of all rights (Hartmann, II, 2, 2 ; see, also, Hegel,
Stadteverfassung von Italien, ch. Ill, p. 355, and authorities there cited,) and that they very generally
became aldii or serfs of the Langobards just as other subject-peoples had been during the previous
wanderings of that nation. Aldins first meant "man," then "common man," then the "half free" man,
bound to the soil (Hartmann, II, I, 8). Rothari's Edict, though it scarcely mentions the Romans as such,
contains many enactments concerning the aldins, who apparently did not differ greatly from the Roman
colonus who cultivated the ground for his master and could not change his condition or his home, but
could not have his rent raised arbitrarily, nor be sold as a slave apart from the land. We are not expressly
told in the Edict that the Romans were aldii but this seems implied. Tlie fine for killing or crippling an
aldins was payable to his master, probably to indemnify him for the loss of a valuable farm laborer. The
condition of the workmen in the cities however is more doubtful and also the condition of the Romans of
the higher class, if any, who survived (Hodgkin, VI, 586-592). The third exacted by the Langobards may
have been one-third of the gross product of the land, which would be more than half the net product and
would leave a slender margin for the cultivator and his family (Hodgkin, VI, 582). This was the view
originally taken by Savigny (Geschichte des Rcimischen Rechts, I, ch. V, p. 400), but he afterwards
changed his opinion and considered that the tribute was one-third of the net produce of the land (see
Hegel, Stadteverfassung von Italien, I, ch. 3, p. 356, note). The Langobards were thus exempted from
agricultural labor and as absentee landlords, could live in the cities or at the court on the tribute thus paid
by their "hosts." This idleness on the one side and servitude upon the other exercised a demoralizing
influence, and the Langobard system was much more injurious than the actual division of land under
Theodoric and Odoacar where the substantial liberty of the Romans might still be preserved. Hartmann
(II, i, 4!, 42) believes that the payment of one-third the produce of the land was a mere temporary
arrangement while Alboin and the Langobards were acquiring possession of the country, and that
afterwards, when they were permanently settled in the country, the Langobards took the places of the
former proprietors and received all the profits of their estates. There seems no good reason to think,
however, that such complete expropriation was universal.
[7] Paul scarcely means that all this occurred in the seventh year alone but during the seven years of
Langobard occupation. This was the statement of Gregory of Tours whom Paul followed (IV, 41), see
Jacobi, 34.
Book 3
Chapter I
Some of the dukes of the Langobards then, with a strong army invaded Gaul. [1] Hospitius, a man of
God, who had been cloistered at Nicea (Nice), foresaw their invasion a long while beforehand, by
revelation of the Holy Spirit, and predicted to the citizens of that city what calamities were impending.
For he was a man of the greatest abstinence and of praiseworthy life, who, bound by iron chains upon his
flesh and clad with goat's hair, used bread alone and a few dates for his food. But in the days of Lent he
was nourished by the roots of Egyptian herbs which hermits use, the gift of some merchants. The Lord
deemed it fitting that great and excellent things should be accomplished by him, which are written in the
books of the reverend man Gregory, bishop of Tours. This holy man then, predicted the coming of the
Langobards into Gaul in this manner: " The Langobards," he says, "will come into Gaul and will lay
waste seven cities because their wickedness has waxed great in the sight of the Lord, for all the people
are addicted to perjuries, guilty of thefts, intent upon plunder, ready for murders; the fruit of justice is not
in them, tithes are not given, the poor man is not fed, the naked is not clothed, the stranger is not received
in hospitality. Therefore is this blow about to come upon that people." Also advising his monks, he said:
"Depart also from this place, taking away with you what you have, for behold, the nation I foretold is
approaching." And when they said, "We will not abandon thee, most holy Father," he replied, " Fear not
for me, it will come to pass that they will inflict injuries upon me, but they will not harm me to my
death."
[1] An invasion of Gaul, probably a mere foray, is mentioned by Marius of Avenches as having occurred
in 569, immediately after Alboin's invasion of Italy. It was evidently a failure, for it was stated that many
Langobard captives were sold into slavery (Pabst, 410, note 2). The particular invasion mentioned in the
text occurred not earlier than 570 (Hodgkin, V, 216).
Chapter II.
And when the monks had departed, the army of the Langobards drew near. And while it was destroying
all it found, it came to the place where the holy man was cloistered. He showed himself to them through
the window of a tower. But when they, going around the tower, sought an entrance through which they
could pass in to him, and found none at all, two of them climbed upon the roof and uncovered it. And
seeing him bound with chains and clad in goat's skin, they said: " He is a malefactor and has committed
murder, therefore he is held bound in these fetters,'' and when they had called an interpreter they inquired
from him what evil deed he had committed that he was bound in such punishment, and he declared that
he was a murderer and guilty of all crimes. Then one of them drew his sword to cut off his head, but
straightway his right hand stiffened while suspended in the act of striking, nor could he draw it back. So
he let go of the sword and dropped it upon the ground. His companions seeing these things raised a cry to
heaven entreating the saint that he would graciously make known what they should do. And he indeed,
having made the sign of salvation, restored the withered arm to health. And the Langobard who had been
healed was converted to the faith of Christ and was straightway made a priest and then a monk, and
remained in that same place up to the end of his life in the service of God. But when the blessed
Hospitius had spoken the word of God to the Langobards, two dukes who heard him reverently, returned
safe and sound to their own country, but certain ones who had despised his words perished miserably in
that same Provincia.[1]
[1] Provence, a district on the Mediterranean at the mouth of the Rhone, the first part of Gaul to become,
and the last to remain a Roman province (Hodgkin, V, 200).
Chapter III.
Then while the Langobards were devastating Gaul, Amatus, the patrician of Provincia, a subject of
Gunthrani, king of the Franks, led an army against them, and when the battle began, he fled and was
there killed. And the Langobards made so great a slaughter of the Burgundians that the number of the
slain could not be reckoned, and enriched with incalculable booty they returned to Italy.
Chapter IV.
When they had departed, Eunius, who was also called Mummulus, being summoned by the king,
acquired the honor of the patriciate, and when the Langobards again invaded Gaul [1] and came as far as
Mustiascalmes (Moutiers), [2] which place lies near the city of Ebredunum (Embrun), Mummulus moved
his army and set out thither with the Burgundians. And when the Langobards were surrounded by his
army and trees were felled in their way [3] among the winding paths of the woods, he rushed upon them
and killed many of them and captured some and sent them to Gunthram his king. [4] And the
Langobards, when these things were done, returned to Italy.
[1] By way of the Col de Genevre (Hodgkin, V, 217).
[2] In the department of the Basses Alpes.
[3] 'Factis concisis' - See Du Cange, 'concisa'.
[4] In this battle, Salonius, bishop of Embrun, and Sagittarius, bishop of Gap, two brothers, fought and
slew many (Hodg., V, 217).
Chapter V.
Afterwards the Saxons who had come with the Langobards into Italy, broke into Gaul and established
their camp within the territory of Regia, that is, at the villa Stablo (Establon), [1] dispersing themselves
among the villas of the neighboring cities, seizing booty, taking off captives and laying all things waste.
When Mummulus learned this, he attacked them with his army and killed many of them, and did not
cease slaying them until night made an end, for he found men ignorant and understanding nothing of
what had come upon them. But when morning came, the Saxons put their army in order, preparing
themselves bravely for war but by means of messengers they made peace, presents were given to
Mummulus, the captives and all the booty were abandoned, and they returned to Italy.
[1] Near Moutiers (Abel).
Chapter VI.
After the Saxons had returned to Italy and had taken with them their wives and children and all their
household goods, they planned to go back again to Gaul, in order that they might be received by king
Sigispert and by his aid might return to their own country. For it is certain that these Saxons had come to
Italy with their wives and children that they might dwell in it, yet as far as can be understood they were
unwilling to be subject to the commands of the Langobards. But it was not permitted to them by the
Langobards to live according to their own laws, [1] and therefore they determined to go back to their
own country. When they were about to enter Gaul they formed themselves into two troops, and one troop
indeed entered through the city of Nicea (Nice), but the other, through Ebredunum (Embrun), returning
the same way they had gone the year before. Because it was the time of the harvests they collected and
threshed grain and ate it and gave it to their animals to eat. They plundered flocks, nor did they abstain
from burnings, and when they had come to the river Rodanus (Rhone), which they had to cross to reach
the kingdom of Sigispert, Mummulus met them with a powerful multitude. Then seeing him they feared
greatly, and giving him many coins of gold for their release, they were permitted to cross the Rodanus.
While they were proceeding to king Sigispert they deceived many on the way in their dealing, selling
bars of brass which were so colored, I know not how, that they imitated the appearance of proved and
tested gold, [2] whence many were deceived by this fraud and giving gold and receiving brass, were
made paupers. When they came at length to king Sigispert, they were allowed to go back to the place
from which they had first come.
[1] This statement, which is accepted without question by most of the commentators, is discredited by
Hartmann (II, I, 80), who remarks that it is an addition made by Paul himself to the account of Gregory
of Tours from whom he takes this part of his history, and that it comes from Paul's knowledge of the
Langobard state in the eighth century which is quite unreliable for events occurring two centuries earlier.
[2] Gregory of Tours (IV, 42) places this event at Arverni (Clermont), which seems out of the way for an
army proceeding to Sigispert in Austrasia, whose capital was Metz, and Gregory says it was then springtime, which is hard to reconcile with the statements about the threshed grain, unless indeed the Saxons
wandered through Gaul until the following spring (Hodgkin, V, 192, note l).
Chapter VII.
And when they had come to their own country they found it was held by Suavi (Suabians) and other
peoples, as we have before related. [1] Bestirring themselves against these, they attempted to drive them
out and destroy them. The Suavi however offered them a third part of the region, saying: "We can live
together and dwell in common without strife." and when they in no way acquiesced, the Suavi offered
them a half and afterwards two parts, reserving only a third for themselves. And when they were
unwilling, the Suavi offered with the land also all the flocks if only they would cease from war, but the
Saxons, not content with this, sought a contest, and they had a strife among themselves beforehand in
what way they should divide the wives of the Suavi. But it did not turn out with them as they thought, for
when battle was joined 20,000 of them were killed, but of the Suavi four hundred and eighty fell, and the
rest obtained a victory. And six thousand of the Saxons who survived the war made a vow that they
would cut neither beard nor hair until they avenged themselves upon their Suabian enemies. And again
going into battle, they were grievously wasted and so they ceased from war.
[1] Book II, chapter 6. Book 3
Chapter VIII.
After these things three dukes of the Langobards, that is, Amo. Zaban, and Rodanus, invaded Gaul, [1]
and Amo indeed, taking the way of Ebredunum (Embrun), approached as far as Machoavilla (Manosque)
[2] which Mummulus had acquired by gift of the king, and there he fixed his tents. Zaban however,
going down by way of the city of Dea (Die), [3] came to Valentia [4] (Valence), while Rodanus
approached the city of Gratianopolis (Grenoble). Amo indeed subdued the province of Arelate (Aries)
with the cities which lie around, and coming up to Stony Field itself, which lies by the city of Massilia
(Marseilles), he laid waste everything he could find, and laying siege to Aquae (Aix) [5] he received
twenty-two pounds of silver [6] and departed from that place. Rodanus also and Zaban in like manner
destroyed by fire and rapine the places to which they had come. When these things were reported to
Mummulus the patrician, he came with a strong band and fought first with Rodanus who was besieging
Gratianopolis and killed many of his army, and compelled Rodanus himself, wounded by a lance, to flee
to the tops of the mountains, from whence, dashing through the winding ways of the woods with five
hundred men who had remained to him, he came to Zaban, who was then besieging the city of Valentia
(Valence), and reported to him all the things that had been done. And when they had come to the city of
Ebredunum, in like manner plundering everything, Mummulus came to meet them with a countless army,
and when battle was joined he overcame them. Then Zaban and Rodanus making their way again to Italy
came to Secusium (Susa), which city Sisinnius, then master of soldiers, was holding on behalf of the
emperor. The servant of Mummulus, coming to him, handed him a letter sent by Mummulus and said that
the latter was quickly approaching. When they learned this, Zaban and Rodanus at once departed thence
to their own homes. When Amo heard these things, having collected all his booty, he set out to return to
Italy, but being hindered by the snows, he abandoned the greater part of his booty and was able with
difficulty to break through the Alpine path with his followers, and thus he came to his own country.[7]
[1] A. D. 575. Zaban had invaded the Swiss dominions of Gunthram the year before but had been
defeated and escaped to Italy (Hodgkin, V, 219).
[2] On the river Druentia (Durance), (Abel) near Avignon (Hodgkin, V, 221).
[3] In the department of Drome (Abel), on the Drome.
[4] On the Rhone at the confluence of Isere (Hodgkin, V, 221).
[5] Aquae Sextiae near Marseilles.
[6] Only L.66 sterling, a small ransom (Hodgkin, V, 221, note 2).
[7] These incursions seem to have been followed by an extension of the territory of king- Gunthram to
the Italian side of the Alps, including both Susa and Aosta. The Langobard invasions of Gaul were not
renewed (Hodg., V, 223, 4). Mummulus afterwards rebelled against Gunthram and was slain (id., 224).
Chapter IX.
In these days upon the approach of the Franks the fortress of Anagnis (Nano), [1] which was situated
above Tridentum (Trent) within the boundary of Italy, surrendered to them. For this reason the count [2]
of the Langobards from Lagaris (Lagerthal), Ragilo by name, came and plundered Anagnis. While he
was returning with his booty he was slain with many of his followers in the field of Rotalian [3] by
Chramnichis, the leader of the Franks, who went to meet him. And this Chramnichis shortly afterwards
came and devastated Tridentum. [4] And Euin, duke of Tridentum, followed and killed him with his
companions in the place which is called Salurnis (Salurn), and shook out of him all the booty he had
taken, and when the Franks had been driven out he took again the whole territory of Tridentum.
[1] In the Val. di Non. A. U. 577, see Muratori Annals, Vol. Ill, p. 498. Hartmann (II, I, 81) believes that
this was a Byzantine (not Langobard) fortress when surrendered.
[2] As to the rank, powers, etc., of a count of the Langobards, see note to Book 11, ch. 32.
[3] The date of this invasion of the Franks is placed by Hodgkin at 575-584 (VI, 27; V, 227). The
chronology is very doubtful, but it preceded the elevation of Authari to the throne (Hartmann, II, l, 81).
The Rotalian field is the meadow plain at the confluence of the Noce and the Adige.
[4] That is the land around Trent. It is not likely the city was taken (Hodgkin, VI, 28).
Chapter X.
At this time Sigispert, king of the Franks, was killed by the treachery of Hilperic, his brother, with whom
he had waged war, and Childepert his son, still a little boy, with Brunihilde his mother, took up the
management of his kingdom. [1] Euin, also, duke of the people of Tridentum, of whom we have spoken,
took as his wife the daughter of Garibald, king of the Bavarians.
[1] See supra, II, 10. The Frankish kingdom was, after the death of Theudepert in 548 (see note to II, 2,
supra), of his child Theudebald in 555, and of Childepert in 558, again united under one monarch,
Chlotochar I (Lothair), who ruled for three years over the whole kingdom and died in 561, whereupon it
was divided among his four sons, one of whom, Charibert, died in 567, and the number of sovereigns
was reduced to three.
There were four great divisions of the monarchy :
(1) Austrasia, assigned to Sigispert, which extended from Rheims across the Rhine an unknown distance
into Germany.
(2) Neustria, the portion of Chilperic or Hilperic, comprising the Netherlands, Picardy, Normandy and
Maine.
(3) Burgundy, the domain of Gunthram, embracing the region watered by the Rhone (except Provence),
also Switzerland and some land in the center of Gaul.
(4) Aquitaine, stretching from the Loire to the Pyrenees, which was split up and contended for by all
(Hodgkin, V, 199, 203).
Sigispert, the youngest and best of the three brothers, determined to wed a princess of his own rank and
married, in 566, Brunihilde, daughter of Athanagild, the Visigothic king of Spain, whom he seems to
have loved with genuine affection. Chilperic, cruel, lustful, avaricious, "the Nero and Herod of the time,"
took to himself many mistresses, but at last determined to follow his brother's example and sought the
hand of Galswintha, another daughter of Athanagild, who reluctantly came from Spain to become his
bride, and received as her ''morning gift'' Bordeaux and four other cities in southwestern Gaul. But
Fredegundis, one of Childperic's former concubines, a fiend incarnate, but incomparable in her powers of
fascination, recovered the king's affections. Galswintha was strangled, and Chilperic married her rival.
His brothers endeavored to cast out so wicked an offender, and it was determined that the "morning gift"
of the murdered queen should be given to her sister Brunihilde in atonement for the crime (Hodgkin, V,
204—208). Chilperic refused, and Sigispert and Gunthram sought to dethrone him. He was shut up in
Tournay, and a large portion of his subjects determined to acclaim as their sovereign, Sigispert, who was
raised on a shield and hailed as king by the army, but almost in the moment of his triumph, two serving
men rushed upon him and dealt him a mortal wound. The weapon, it was said, had been poisoned by
Fredegundis. Sigispert's son Childepert, a child of five years, was carried back to Metz, the capital of
Austrasia, was accepted as his father's successor, and reigned for twenty-one years under the tutelage of
the Austrasian nobles and of his mother Brunihilde, who now lived to avenge her husband's death. She
sought to accomplish this by a marriage with Merovech, the son of Chilperic by a former wife. Merovech
was afterwards suspected of conspiring against his father, and died, some say at his own desire, and
others that it was by order of Fredegundis. Chilperic's rule became detestable, and in 584 he too was
murdered by an unknown assassin, leaving a child three years old, Chlotochar, destined at a later time to
reunite the Frankish dominions (Hodgkin, 208-214). The Langobard invasion of Italy (A. D. 568)
occurred just after the murder of Galswintha (A. D. 567), and the subsequent forays into Gaul were made
possible by the dissensions among the Frankish sovereigns. These invasions appear to be mere robber
raids. Most of them occurred during the ten years' interregnum while the dukes were ruling the cities of
Italy without a king, and the feud between the Franks and the Langobards which thus began, ripened into
an indelible national instinct and prepared the way, after the lapse of two centuries, for the destruction of
the kingdom of the Langobards by Charlemagne (Hodgkin, V, 198, 199).
An interesting question arises whether there is any connection between the characters and scenes in this
Frankish drama of intrigue and revenge, and the legend of Siegfried as developed in the Elder Edda, the
Saga of the Volsungs and the Niebelungen Lied. The resemblance of some of the names of the heroes is
very striking; that of Sigispert, for instance, to Siegfried or Sigurd, Gunthram to Gunther, Brunihilde to
Brunhild. Gunther in the legend, as well as in the history, is king of Burgundy; Siegfried is treacherously
slain; there is a bitter jealousy and feud between two rival queens, and in the Niebelungen Lied the
character of Siegfried's widow becomes transformed by his death, and she devotes her life to avenge his
assassination, and marries a foreign prince for the purpose. It is well known that certain historical
characters were actually introduced into the legend. Etzel or Atli was Attila the Hun, and the Dietrich of
Berne of the Niebelungen, was Theoderic the Great. Moreover, the setting of the legend recalls the times
not only of the migration of the nations, but of the Merovingians, and it is this latter period which
exercised the best influence upon the story. The kings are like the Merovingians, and their management
of the state resembles that of the times of Gunthram and Sigispert (Scherer, Hist. German Lit., ch. 5). On
the other hand, the parts are differently assigned. In the poem, Siegfried marries Kriemhild, not Brunhild,
though according to the Icelandic version, it is the latter to whom his love was first pledged. The stories
vary from the history in nearly all their details, and there may be reason for the belief that the Siegfried
legend in some form was of earlier origin than the time of Sigispert. Still it can hardly be doubted that
much of the coloring, if not the principal incidents of the story, came from this dark period in the history
of the Frankish monarchy, and there seems quite as much reason to identify Siegfried and Brunhild with
the sovereigns of Austrasia as to consider them, as many do, the mere personifications of natural
phenomena, the development of the season myth!
Referring to the legend of buried treasure discovered by Gunthram (see chap. 34 infra), Hodgkin (V,
202) remarks: "Treasures buried in long departed days by kings of old, mysterious caves, reptile guides
or reptile guardians - are we not transported by this strange legend into the very atmosphere of the
Niebelungen Lied? And if the good king Gunthram passed for the fortunate finder of the Dragon-hoard,
his brothers and their queens, by their wars, their reconciliations and their terrible avengings, must surely
have suggested the main argument of that most tragical epic, the very name of one of whose heroines,
Brunichildis, is identical with the name of the queen of Austrasia.'' Book 3
Chapter XI.
During' these times, as was stated above [1] Justin the younger ruled at Constantinople, a man given to
every kind of avarice, a despiser of the poor, a despoiler of senators. So great was the madness of his
cupidity that he ordered iron chests made in which to collect those talents of gold which he seized. They
also say that he fell into the Pelagian heresy. 'When he turned away the ear of his heart from the Divine
commands he became mad, having lost the faculty of reason by the just judgment of God. He took
Tiberius as his Caesar to govern his palace and his different provinces, a man just, useful, energetic,
wise, benevolent, equitable in his judgments, brilliant in his victories, and what was more important than
all these things, a most true Christian. From the treasures which Justin [2] had collected he brought out
many things for the use of the poor, and the empress Sophia often upbraided him that he would reduce
the state to poverty, saying, "What I have been collecting through many years you are scattering
prodigally in a short time." But he said: ''I trust to the Lord that money will not be lacking in our treasury
so long as the poor receive charity and captives are ransomed. For this is the great treasure, since the
Lord says, 'Lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt and where
thieves do not break through nor steal.' Therefore of these things which God has furnished us let us
gather treasures in heaven, and God will deign to give us increase in this world." Then when Justin had
reigned eleven years, [3] he ended at last the madness he had fallen into together with his life. During his
time indeed were waged the wars which, as we before said in advance, were carried on by Narses the
patrician against the Goths and the Franks. [4] In fine also, when Rome at the time of pope Benedict was
suffering the privation of hunger, while the Langobards were destroying everything on every side, he [5]
sent many thousand bushels of grain in ships straight from Egypt and relieved it by the effort of his
benevolence.
[1] See Book II, Chap. 5.
[2] That there was no original sin and that God's grace was not indispensable. So called from the monk
Pelagius, by whom it was taught, who died about A. D. 420.
[3] Almost thirteen years (Waitz).
[4] Incorrect; these wars were waged under Justinian (II, i et seq. supra; Waitz), although it was to Justin
that the complaints were afterwards made of Narses' administration.
[5] That is, Justin (see Muratori Annals, A. U. 578, vol. 3, p. 501).
Chapter XII.
When Justin was dead [1] Tiberius Constantine, the fifteenth of the Roman emperors, assumed the
sovereignty. While he was still Caesar under Justin as we said above, and was managing the palace and
performing many acts of charity every day, God furnished him a great abundance of gold. For while
walking through the palace he saw on the pavement of the house a marble slab on which the cross of our
Lord was carved, and he said: " We ought to adorn our forehead and our breast with our Lord's cross and
behold we trample it under our feet," and this said, he quickly ordered the slab to be lifted up. And
underneath the slab when it was dug out and set up, they found another having the same device. And he
ordered this also to be raised, and when it was moved they found also a third, and when this too was
taken away by his command, they found a great treasure, containing more than a thousand centenaria [2]
of gold, and the gold was carried away and distributed among the poor yet more abundantly than had
been customary. Also Narses the patrician of Italy, since he had a great dwelling in a certain city of Italy,
came to the above-mentioned city with many treasures, and there in his dwelling he secretly dug a great
cistern in which he deposited many thousand centenaria of gold and silver. And when all who knew of
the matter had been killed, he entrusted these to the care of one old man only, exacting from him an oath.
And when Narses had died, the above-mentioned old man, coming to Caesar Tiberius, said, " If it profit
me anything, I will tell you, Caesar, an important thing." The latter said to him, " Say what you will. It
will be of advantage to you if you shall tell anything which will profit us." "I have," he said, "the treasure
of Narses hidden away, which I, being near the end of my life, cannot longer conceal." Then Caesar
Tiberius was delighted and sent his servants up to the place, and the old man went ahead [3] and they
followed in astonishment, and coming to the cistern, when it was opened they entered it. So much gold
and silver was found in it that it could with difficulty be emptied in many days by those carrying its
contents. Almost all of this he bestowed upon the needy in bountiful distribution according to his custom.
When he was about to accept the imperial crown, and the people were expecting him at the spectacle in
the circus according to usage, and were preparing an ambuscade for him that they might raise Justinian,
the nephew of Justin, to the imperial dignity, he first proceeded through the consecrated places, then he
called to him the pontiff of the city and entered the palace with the consuls and prefects, and clad in the
purple, crowned with the diadem and placed upon the imperial throne, he was confirmed with immense
applause in the honor of the sovereignty. His adversaries hearing this, and not being able in any way to
injure him who had placed his hope in God, were covered with great shame and confusion. And after a
few days had elapsed, Justinian came and cast himself at the foot of the emperor bringing him fifteen
centenaria of gold for the sake of pardon. Tiberius, raising him up in his patient way, commanded him to
place himself in the palace at his side. But the empress Sophia, unmindful of the promise she had
previously made to Tiberius, attempted to carry on a plot against him. And when he proceeded to his
villa according to imperial custom, to enjoy for thirty days the pleasures of the vintage, she secretly
called Justinian and wished to raise him to the sovereignty. When this was discovered, Tiberius returned
in great haste to Constantinople, arrested the empress and despoiled her of all her treasures, leaving her
only the nourishment of her daily food. And when he had separated her servants from her he put others at
her service of those devoted to himself, commanding absolutely that none of the former ones should have
access to her. But Justinian, whom he punished only by words, he afterwards cherished with so great a
love that he promised his own daughter to his son, and on the other hand asked Justinian's daughter for
his own son. But this thing, from what cause I know not, did not at all come to pass. The army sent by
him completely subdued the Persians, and returning victorious, brought, together with twenty elephants,
so great a quantity of booty as would be thought enough to satisfy human cupidity.
[1] He died October 5, 578 (Hodgkin, V, 197).
[2] The centenarium is a hundred pounds weight (Du Cange). According to Hodgkin (V, 196) this
thousand centenaria would equal four million pounds sterling, an incredible sum.
[3] Literally ''withdrawing".
Chapter XIII.
When Hilperic, king of the Franks, sent messengers to this sovereign, he received from him many
trinkets, and gold pieces too, of a pound each, having on the one side the image of the emperor and the
words written in a circle, "Of Tiberius Constantine Universal Emperor," and having on the other side a
quadriga with a driver [1] and containing the inscription "The glory of the Romans." In his days while the
blessed Gregory, the deacon who afterwards became Pope, was papal delegate at the same imperial city,
he composed books of Morals [2] and vanquished in debate in the presence of the emperor himself,
Euthicius, [3] a bishop of that city who fell into error regarding the resurrection. [4] Also at this time first
duke of the Spoletans, invaded Classis [5] army of Langobards and left the rich city plundered of all its
wealth. [6]
[1] 'Asensor', literally, one who went up in it.
[2] The object of this treatise was to show that the book of Job comprehended all natural theology and
morals.
[3] Not the same as Eutyches, leader of the Eutychian heresy, who lived in the preceding century.
[4] Euthicius maintained that the resurrection body of the saints will be more subtile than ether and too
rare to be perceived by the senses, a view which Gregory contested (Hodgkin, V, 293).
[5] The harbor of Ravenna.
[6] While Paul has been narrating many events which took place in Gaul or at Constantinople, he has
been neglecting the transactions in Italy, to which he now for a moment returns. Among the events of the
interregnum, while the dukes held sway over the Langobards, and Longinus, the prefect, governed the
Roman portion of Italy, was the first serious resistance offered to the Langobard invasion. Alboin had
encountered little opposition, for the inhabitants of the open country fled to the cities which held out for a
shorter or longer period, the Romans hoping, no doubt, that this invasion, like others which had preceded
it, would soon be over and that the barbarians would retire. But in 575 or 576, Baduarius, the son-in-law
of the emperor Justin II, assembled in Ravenna a considerable body of troops, and went forth and gave
battle to the invaders. He was overthrown and died. It is not known what part of the forces of the various
Langobard dukedoms were his antagonists. Probably it was those who were advancing towards the south
and who, not far from this time, established the important dukedoms of Spoleto and Benevento under
dukes Faroald and Zotto respectively (Hartmann, II, I, 47). The taking of Classis by Faroald mentioned in
the text probably occurred about 579, while Longinus was still prefect (Hodgkin, V, 197; VI, 90, 91,
note). The city was afterwards retaken from the Langobards by Droctulft (III, 19, infra).
Chapter XIV.
The patriarch Probinus, having died at Aquileia after he had ruled the church one year, the priest Helias
(Elias) was set over that church.
Chapter XV.
After Tiberius Constantine had ruled the empire seven years, he felt the day of his death impending and
with the approval of the empress Sophia, he chose Maurice, a Cappadocian by race, an energetic man, for
the sovereignty, and gave him his daughter adorned with the royal decorations, saying, " Let my
sovereignty be delivered to thee with this girl. Be happy in the use of it, mindful always to love equity
and justice." After he had said these things he departed from this life to his eternal home, leaving great
grief to the nation on account of his death. [1] For he was of the greatest goodness, ready in giving alms,
just in his decisions, most careful in judging, despising no one, but including all in his good will; loving
all, he was also beloved by all. When he was dead, Maurice, clad in the purple and encircled with the
diadem, proceeded to the circus, and his praises having been acclaimed, gifts were bestowed upon the
people, and he, as the first (emperor) of the race of the Greeks, was confirmed in the imperial power.
[1] A.D. 582 (Hodgkin, V, 227). Book 3
Chapter XVI.
But the Langobards indeed, when they had been under the power of dukes for ten years, determined at
length by common consent that Authari, the son of their sovereign Cleph, above mentioned, should be
their king. And they called him also Flavius [1] on account of his high office. All those who were
afterwards kings of the Langobards auspiciously used this name. In his days on account of the reestablishment of the kingdom, those who were then dukes gave up half of their possessions for royal uses
that there might be the means from which the king himself and those who should attend him and those
devoted to his service throughout the various offices might be supported. [2] The oppressed people,
however, were parcelled out among their Langobard guests.[3] There was indeed this admirable thing in
the kingdom of the Langobards. There was no violence, no ambuscades were laid, no one constrained
another unjustly, no one took spoils, there were no thefts, no robberies, every one proceeded whither he
pleased, safe and without fear. [4]
[1] A title borrowed from the family name of Vespasian and Titus, afterwards used by a number of their
successors and by the emperors of the East and thence transferred to other sovereigns, for example, to
Odoacar (Hodgkin, V, 234) and to the Visigothic kings of Spain after Recared (Abel, p. 60). It was used
to signify that the Langobard king had succeeded to the imperial dignity.
[2] The powers of the king are nowhere clearly defined. It should be noted that he was king of the
Langobard people (not king of Italy), and that the Romans, who were not free subjects, were not taken
into consideration (Hartmann, II, 2, 30). It would seem (Hodgkin, VI, 568) that the laws were devised by
him after consultation with the principal men and nobles, and then accepted by the army, which formed
the assembly of the people. The king was the supreme judge, but was assisted by jurors in coming to his
conclusions. The highest criminal jurisdiction was exercised by him, sometimes immediately in cases of
great importance, but more frequently by means of his officers. He had the highest police jurisdiction.
Without his permission no free man accompanied by his clan (farn) might change his residence.
Churches and convents were under his protection. He represented a woman as against her guardian and a
retainer as against his lord.
[3] "Populi tamen adgravati per Langobardos hospites partiunter." This is one of the most important
passages in Paul's history, as it furnishes almost the only existing statement of the condition of the
Roman population under the early Langobard kings. It has been considered very obscure, and various
interpretations have been given. Giansvero renders it: "And the people, oppressed by their Langobard
guests, are divided.'' Abel translates nearly as in the text. Hodgkin (V, 232) renders it thus: " (In this
division) the subject populations who had been assigned to their several guests were included." This
departs widely from the Latin text, though it may well be the actual meaning. Capponi (Sui Langobardi
in Italia 18, see Scritti Edit; e Inediti, 75, 77) believes that the sentence means that the tributary
populations remained divided among the Langobard guests, and that the property only was ceded to the
king. But Hodgkin asks (VI, 585) why the lands should be given to the king stripped of the Roman 'aldii'
to cultivate them, and what the dukes who surrendered part of their land would do with the increased
population now thrown wholly upon the remainder. Villari insists (Le Invasioni Barbariche in Italia, pp.
265, 266) that the property which the Langobard dukes divided with the king was that which they had
taken from the Roman nobles they had killed (II, 32 supra), or which they had confiscated in other ways,
and that there still remained to these dukes the third of the products of the lands possessed by the
Romans, and he adds (p. 273) that the "oppressed people" were the same as those who had been made
tributaries before (II, 32 supra), and who, therefore, had been and still remained divided among the
Langobard proprietors who surrendered to the king half of the lands which were their free and full
property. Savigny says (Geschichte des Romischen Rechts, I, chap. 5, p. 401): "The king was endowed
by the nobles. The Romans were in the meantime divided among the individual Langobards as their
hospites and the old relation between them remained unchanged." Hegel says: "There was no change in
the general condition of the conquered Romans. They remained divided among their hospites." Troya
(Storia d'Italia, I, 5 ccccx) contends that the true reading is 'patiuntur' for 'partiuntur'. ''The dukes gave
one-half of their property to the king, nevertheless the populations oppressed by the Langobard guests
suffered for it.'' The dukes made up for their patriotic surrender by screwing a larger tribute out of the
oppressed Romans. But Hodgkin remarks (VI, 586, note) that this does not agree with the sentence that
follows about the golden age. Since Paul no longer speaks of the products of the land, some think (see
Villari, pp. 265, 266, 273) that the third of the rents was changed into a third of the lands, and believe
that since the Langobards had made new acquisitions of territory, a division was made of the new lands
for the benefit of those who had to give the king part of their own possessions. It does not seem to me
that the above passage is as difficult as it has been considered. In the parcelling out of the people among
their Langobard guests, the king, through his representative (his 'actor', or perhaps his Gasfaldus), may
well have been one of these ''guests,'' a word which, as we have seen, was the euphemistic name assumed
by the Langobards who settled upon the lands of the Romans and took a share of the products. In that
case the literal translation given in the text would be entirely appropriate, and yet there would be no
shifting of the population nor any change in the system of dividing the products of the land. One great
difficulty with the passage has been to explain the use of the word 'tamen' (however), the usual meaning
of which is adversative. Crivellucci (Studii Storici, 1899, 255) shows that out of forty-eight instances in
which this conjunction is used by Paul in this history, there are six places where it might properly be
given a copulative meaning equivalent to "and" or "also," and one place where such a meaning is
required, viz., at the beginning of chapter 23, book II. It is certain that this conjunction as well as
nihiloiniini', its equivalent, was often used by Paul, either with a variable meaning or else most
inexpressively, and that its use here ought not to interfere with a translation of this passage, which is in
other respects both reasonable and literal. As to the condition of this subject Roman population see note
to II, 32, supra.
[4] This description of the golden age is not borne out by the facts (Pabst, 425, note 2).
Chapter XVII.
At this time the emperor Maurice sent by his ambassadors to Childepert, king of the Franks, 50,000 solidi
[1] to make an attack with his army upon the Langobards and drive them from Italy, and Childepert
suddenly entered Italy with a countless multitude of Franks. [2] The Langobards indeed entrenched
themselves in their towns and when messengers had passed between the parties and gifts had been
offered they made peace with Childepert. [3] When he had returned to Gaul, the emperor Maurice,
having learned that he had made a treaty with the Langobards, asked for the return of the solidi he had
given in consideration of the overthrow of the Langobards. But Childepert, relying upon the strength of
his resources, would not give an answer in this matter.
[1] The value of the gold solidus (here referred to) differed at different times. Hodgkin places it at twelve
shillings, so that this 50,000 solidi was equal to L30,000 (V, 228). He also (VI, 413, 414) gives a table of
the purchasing power of the solidus about the time of Liutprand, which was more than a century later
than the period in question. The average value of a slave varied from sixty solidi to sixteen; a new olive
garden sold for eight solidi; half a house in Pisa for nine; a garden in Lucca for fifteen; a bed, tunic and
mantle for ten solidi each; a horse with trappings for one hundred solidi, etc. Personality seems to have
had a high value in comparison with real estate.
[2] Paul erroneously places the elevation of Authari to the throne before the arrangement made by the
emperor Maurice with Childpert II, A. D. 582, for a common enterprise against the Langobards. In fact,
it was the threatened danger of foreign invasion which induced the dukes to strengthen their military
power by the creation of a king (Jacobi, 35).
[3] Gregory of Tours, from whom Paul took this statement, says the Langobards submitted to
Childepert's dominion (H. F., 6, 42). Probably these gifts were considered as tribute.
Chapter XVIII.
When these things had been done in this way, king Authari approached the city of Brexillus (Brescello),
situated on the bank of the Po, [1] to capture it. Thither duke Droctulft had fled from the Langobards and
surrendering to the emperor's party, and being joined by his soldiers, resisted bravely the army of the
Langobards. This man was descended from the race of Suavi (Suabians), that is, of the Alamanni, and
had grown up among the Langobards, and because he was of an excellent figure, had acquired the honor
of a dukedom, but when he found an occasion of avenging his captivity [2] he suddenly rose against the
arms of the Langobards. The Langobards waged grievous wars against him and at length overcame him
together with the soldiers he was aiding, and compelled him to withdraw to Ravenna. Brexillus was taken
and its walls were levelled to the ground. After these things king Authari made peace for three years with
the patrician Smaragdus,[3] who was then in authority at Ravenna.
[1] Twelve miles from Parma and on the Aemilian way (Hodgkin, V, 243).
[2] He had apparently been taken prisoner by the Imperial troops, and resented his lack of support by the
other Langobard dukes, to whom he considered he owed his captivity (Hodgkin, V, 242).
[3] Smaragdus had been appointed in 585 to succeed the incapable Longinus (Hodgkin, V, 242). This
treaty was made very shortly afterwards (Waitz).
Chapter XIX.
With the support of this Droctulft, of whom we have spoken, the soldiers of the Ravenna people often
fought against the Langobards, and after a fleet was built, they drove out with his aid the Langobards
who were holding the city of Classis. [1] And when he had filled the limit of life, they gave him an
honorable sepulcher in front of the church of the holy martyr Vitalis, [2] and set forth his praises in the
following epitaph:
Drocton lies buried within this tomb, but only in body,
For in his merits he lives, over the orb of the world.
First with the Langobards he dwelt, for by race and by nature
Sprung from Suavian stock, suave to all people was he.
Terrible to be seen was his face, though in heart he was kindly,
Long was the beard that grew down on his vigorous breast.
Loving the standards of Rome and the emblems of the republic,
Aid unto them he brought, crushing the power of his race.
Love unto us he bore, despising the claims of his kindred,
Deeming Ravenna his own fatherland, dear to his heart.
First of his valiant deeds was the glory of captured Brexillus.
There for a time he remained, dreadful to all of his foes.
Later when here his power brought aid to the Roman standards
First within his hands rested the banner of Christ.
Afterwards when Faroald withheld by treachery Classis,
"Fleet-town" [3] in hope to avenge, arms for the fleet he prepares,
Struggles in tiny ships on the flowing stream of Badrinus. [4]
Conquers and overcomes numberless Langobard [5] bands,
Vanquishes also in lands of the East the impetuous Avar,
Seeking to win for his lords victory's sovereign palm.
Often to them as a conq'ror, sustained by the aid of Vitalis,
Martyr and holy saint, honored with triumphs he came.
And in the fane of Vitalis he sought the repose of his body,
Pleased that this place should hold, after his death, his remains
When he died, he implored these things of the priest Joannes, [6]
By whose pious love he had returned to these lands. [7]
[1] The port of Ravenna. The dates conjectured for this event vary from A. D. 584 to 588 (Hodgkin, VI,
91, 92).
[2] This church, an octagonal building in the Byzantine style, was completed in the year 547, with the aid
of contributions made by the emperor Justinian and the empress Theodora. Its walls were adorned with
exquisite mosaics which are still in an excellent state of preservation. St. Vitalis was the patron saint of
Ravenna. He came to that city from Milan during the persecution under
Nero, A. D. 62, at a time when St. Ursicinus was about to suffer martyrdom. He sustained and
encouraged Ursicinus, who was terrified at the torments he was compelled to undergo, and after his death
Vitalis buried him, and was thereupon arrested, tortured. and buried alive (Larousse).
[3] 'Classis', ''a fleet'' being the name of the town.
[4] Padoreno, say some, (Waitz) but this was one of the mouths of the Po more than thirty miles distant
(Hodg., V, 247 note).
[5] In the original the Langobards are called Bardi, a name which recalls the Bardengau and Bardowick
of the Elbe region.
[6] Johannes III, bishop of Ravenna, 578-595 (Hodgkin V, 248 note 2).
[7] A somewhat freer translation in rhyme is given in Hodgkin (V, 247). Book 3
Chapter XX.
Finally, after pope Benedict, Pelagius [1] was ordained pontiff of the Roman church without the
authority of the emperor, because the Langobards had besieged and surrounded Rome, and no one could
leave the city. This Pelagius sent to Helias (Elias), bishop of Aquileia, who was unwilling to respect the
Three Chapters [2] of the Synod of Chalcedon, a very salutary letter which the blessed Gregory
composed while he was still a deacon.
[1] The second of that name. This election of Pelagius actually occurred in 578-579 (Hodgkin, V, 195),
and is placed by Paul at too late a period, after the elevation of Authari to the throne (Jacobi, 48, 49).
[2] Paul is mistaken in calling them the ''Three Chapters of the Synod of Chalcedon." The Three Chapters
were the doctrines of three bishops, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Ibas of Edessa,
which were condemned by the Synod of Constantinople in 532 (Waitz, P. Ill, 26, note). It was, however,
considered by many that this condemnation affected the validity of the decrees of the previous Council of
Chalcedon. Paul is also in error in saying that Elias was unwilling to respect the Three Chapters. It was
Elias who supported these doctrines and it was Pope Pelagius who condemned them. The controversy
regarding the Three Chapters which agitated the church from the time of Justinian (543) to that of
Cunincpert (698), had its origin in still older disputes concerning the incarnation of the Messiah.
Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, taught that there was one incarnate nature of Christ; that the God-head
was united to the body of a man, and the Logos, the Eternal Wisdom, supplied in him the place of a
human soul. These teachings were condemned as heresy, and at the beginning of the fifth century the
combination of two natures was the prevailing doctrine of the church, yet the mode of the co-existence of
these natures could not be represented by our ideas nor expressed by our language, and contention began
between those who most dreaded to confound, and those who most feared to separate the divinity and the
humanity of Christ. Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, was at the head of one faction and Nestorius, patriarch
of Constantinople, at the head of the other. Both were fanatical and intolerant. Nestorius abhorred the
confusion of the two natures and repudiated the doctrine that the Virgin was the mother of God. Cyril
espoused the side of a greater unity in Christ's nature. Pope Celestine approved his creed and condemned
the doctrine of Nestorius. The first Council of Ephesus was called, and amid much tumult and violence
Cyril was upheld and Nestorius pronounced a heretic. Cyril, however, softened to some extent his
previous anathemas, and confessed with some ambiguity the union of a twofold nature in Christ.
Eutyches, an abbot of Constantinople, was the head of a sect that was so extreme in its opposition to the
doctrine of Nestorius that it incurred itself the reproach of heresy. Flavian, bishop of Constantinople,
condemned the doctrine of Eutyches. A second council was summoned at Ephesus, but it was dominated
like the first by the patriarch of Alexandria and it accepted his doctrine. A furious multitude of monks
and soldiers broke into the church. Flavian was buffeted and kicked and trampled until he expired from
his wounds, and the Council of Ephesus has passed into history as "The Robber Synod.'' Pope Leo the
Great was not in accord with the doctrine of Eutyches. His famous Tome or epistle on the mystery of the
Incarnation had been disregarded at the last Council of Ephesus, but upon the death of the emperor
Theodosius, the decrees of that council were overthrown, the Tome of Leo was subscribed by the
Oriental bishops, and a new council was summoned at Chalcedon, near Constantinople. (Gibbon, ch. 47.)
In this council (Hodgson. Early History of Venice, pp. 44 and 45) Leo's letter was accepted as the
orthodox doctrine and as a refutation of Eutyches, and it was declared that the two natures of Christ
existed without any "confusion, conversion, division or separation." At the same time certain letters of
Cyril were accepted as a refutation of Nestorius, and the controversy was now regarded as settled. This
council was held in the year 451. Nearly a century afterwards when Justinian came to the throne, he and
his wife Theodora re-opened the question by issuing an edict against certain writings of three men long
dead - Theodore of Mopsuestia, whose orthodoxy had always been doubtful, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who
had been condemned by the Robber Synod and reinstated by the Council of Chalcedon, and a bishop of
Edessa named Ibas. The emperor's edict set forth certain passages from the writings of these men and
anathematized them as infected with Nestcrianism. The condemned doctrines were known as "The Three
Chapters.'' The papacy was then held by the weak and irresolute Vigilius, a creature of Theodora, whose
election to office had been tainted with simony. When the imperial decree was promulgated against the
Three Chapters, the Western church which had supported the Council of Chalcedon, naturally opposed it,
and Vigilius came to Constantinople in 547 pledged against the emperor's edict. But when he had been in
that city a little more than a year, he was induced by flattery and promises to issue his 'Judicatum', which
assented to the emperor's doctrine, "saving, however, the Council of Chalcedon." The remonstrances of
the western bishops led him again to reconsider his position. In 550, the 'Judicatum' was withdrawn; in
551, the pope pronounced a solemn condemnation of Justinian's advisers in the matter. The emperor now
resorted to violence, Vigilius was roughly handled, a general council was summoned at Constantinople
which was attended almost exclusively by eastern bishops. The pope took no part except to send to that
body a Constitution in which he asserted his right to guide the opinions of all churchmen and annul all
decrees inconsistent with his teachings. He did not defend the orthodoxy of Theodore, but in regard to
Ibas and Theodoret, he adhered to the approval given them at Chalcedon. But after the Council of
Constantinople had disregarded his authority and anathematized the Three Chapters, and the emperor
was proceeding to banish him for contumacy, he retracted, finding that the decrees of this council were
not irreconcilable with those of Chalcedon (Hodgson, 46, 47), and after his death Pelagius I, his
successor, ratified the condemnation of the Three Chapters. After the papacy had thus committed itself to
the views of Justinian, it became very earnest in its advocacy of these views, although the churches of
Spain and Gaul refused to condemn the Three Chapters, while Milan, Aquileia and the churches of Istria
went further and refused communion with all who held with the Council of Constantinople (Hodgson,
48, 49). Paulinus, who was bishop of Aquileia from about 558 to 570, assembled a synod in which
Pelagius, Justinian and Narses were all excommunicated (Filiasi, V, 255). John III, the successor of
Pelagius, tried to convert the schismatics, but failed, whereupon Narses proceeded by command of
Justinian against the rebellious bishops. After two years of turmoil Justinian died, whereupon the tumult
partly subsided, and Narses sought to quiet it rather by skill than by violence (Hodgson, 48, 49). After the
invasion of the Langobards In 568 Paulinus moved the See of Aquileia from that city to Grado, and soon
afterwards died (P. II, 10). Probinus, who followed him, was also a schismatic, as well as Elias, his
successor, who held a synod in Grado, which sent legates to Constantinople, and prevailed upon the
emperor to leave the schismatics in peace (Hodgson, 48, 49). John III was succeeded by Benedict, and he
by Pelagius II (Hodgkin, V, 460), who wrote to Elias exhorting the Istrians to abandon the schism, and
inviting them to send bishops and presbyters to Rome to receive satisfaction on all the points upon which
they were in doubt (Hodgkin, V, 462, 3). The messengers were sent, but evidently not to receive the
promised explanation, for they brought with them a sharp definition of the views of the schismatics,
demanding in effect that the pope himself should give way. Pelagius in a second letter argued the
question with them and demanded that they should send instructed persons able to give and receive a
reason in debate. The Istrian bishops sent another letter announcing their own authoritative decision, and
it was to this second letter that Pelagius sent as his answer the ''useful epistle'' composed by Gregory, and
referred to in the text (Hodgkin, V, 465). The argument insists that Pope Leo had not confirmed all the
decrees of the Council of Chalcedon, but had rather reserved private and personal matters; that the acts of
the three Syrian bishops might be considered as included in this reservation; that the Council had
impliedly condemned these bishops since it had approved of Cyril and the Council of Ephesus which
they opposed; that there was good authority for anathematizing heretics even after their death, and that
the long reluctance by Vigilius and the Western bishops to accept the decrees of the Council of
Constantinople, arose from their ignorance of Greek and gave all the more value to their final
conclusions. The letter however, did not convert the schismatics, and more violent measures were soon
taken (Hodgkin V, 565 - 567) as we shall see hereafter (Book III, ch. 26 and note).
Chapter XXI
Meanwhile Childepert, king of the Franks, waged war against the Spaniards and overcame them in battle.
[1] And this was the cause of the struggle: King Childepert had given Ingundis his sister in marriage to
Herminigild, son of Levigild, king of the Spaniards. And this Herminigild, by the preaching of Leander,
bishop of Hispalis (Seville), and by the exhortation of his wife, had been converted from the Arian
heresy, in which his father was languishing, to the Catholic faith, and his impious father had caused him
put to death by the axe upon the very holiday of Easter. [2] Ingundis indeed fled from the Spaniards after
the death of her husband and martyr [3] and when she sought to return to Gaul, she fell into the hands of
the soldiers who were stationed on the boundary opposite the Spanish Goths, and was taken with her
little son and brought to Sicily and there ended her days.[4] But her son was sent to Constantinople to the
emperor Maurice.
[1] Paul is in error regarding this war. It was conducted not by Childepert, but by Gunthram, and was
unsuccessful (Jacobi, 36).
[2] This fact is doubtful (Hodgkin, V, 255). He was probably assassinated, although he seems to have
raised the standard of rebellion against his father (Hartmann, II, I, 66).
[3] He was not regarded as a martyr by Gregory of Tours (VI, 43), but as a rebel against his father.
[4] The soldiers into whose hands Ingundis fell were Greeks. She probably died at Carthage in Africa
(Hodgkin, V, 256), not in Sicily.
Chapter XXII.
The emperor Maurice on the other hand dispatched ambassadors to Childepert and persuaded him to send
his army into Italy against the Langobards. [1] Childepert, thinking that his sister was still living at
Constantinople, gave his assent to the ambassadors of Maurice and again sent the army of the Franks to
Italy against the Langobards so that he could get his sister. And when the army of the Langobards
hastened against them, the Franks and Alamanni, having a quarrel among themselves, returned to their
own country without securing any advantage.
[1] About 587 (Hodgkin, V, 258). Book 3
Chapter XXIII.
At this time [1] there was a deluge of water in the territories of Venefia and Liguria, and in other regions
of Italy such as is believed not to have existed since the time of Noah. Ruins were made of estates and
country seats, and at the same time a great destruction of men and animals. The paths were obliterated,
the highways demolished, and the river Athesis (Adige) then rose so high that around the church of the
blessed martyr Zeno, which is situated outside the walls of the city of Verona, the water reached the
upper windows, although as St. Gregory, afterwards pope, also wrote, the water did not at all enter into
that church. Likewise the walls of the city of Verona itself were partly demolished by the same
inundation. And this inundation occurred on the 16th of the calends of November (Oct. 17th), yet there
were so many flashes of lightning and peals of thunder as are hardly wont to occur even in the summer
time. Also after two months this city of Verona was in great part consumed by fire.
[1] 589 (Hodgkin, V, 261).
Chapter XXIV.
In this outpouring of the flood the river Tiber at the city of Rome rose so much that its waters flowed in
over the walls of the city and filled great regions in it. Then through the bed of the same stream a great
multitude of serpents, and a dragon also of astonishing size passed by the city and descended to the sea.
Straightway a very grievous pestilence called inguinal [1] followed this inundation, and it wasted the
people with such great destruction of life that out of a countless multitude barely a few remained. First it
struck Pope Pelagius, a venerable man, and quickly killed him. Then when their pastor was taken away it
spread among the people. In this great tribulation the most blessed Gregory, who was then a deacon, [2]
was elected Pope by the common consent of all. He ordained that a sevenfold litany should be offered,
but while they were imploring God, eighty of them within the space of one hour fell suddenly to the earth
and gave up the ghost. The seven-fold litany was thus called because all the people of the city were
divided by the blessed Gregory into seven parts to intercede with the Lord. In the first troop indeed was
all the clergy; in the second, all the abbots with their monks; in the third, all the abbesses with their
companies; in the fourth, all the children; in the fifth, all the laymen ; in the sixth, all the widows; in the
seventh, all the married women. And we omit to say anything more concerning the blessed Gregory
because some years ago with the help of God we composed his life in which, according to our slender
ability, we sketched in writing what was to be told. [3]
[1] Of the groin.
[2] Levita. See DuCange.
[3] Gregory the Great, the descendant of a noble Roman family, was born about the year 540. In 573 he
became prefect of the city, but two years afterwards he laid down this office, founded six Benedictine
convents in Sicily and converted his ancestral palace on the Coelian hill at Rome into a monastery
dedicated to St. Andrew, in which he himself became a monk. It was at this time that walking through the
Forum he saw exposed for sale the fair-haired boys from Britain of whom he said that they were not
Angles but angels, and he obtained from Pope Benedict I, leave to undertake a mission to that island for
the conversion of its people. He was recalled, however, while upon the way and was appointed deacon to
the Pope. When Benedict died, his successor, Pelagius II, sent Gregory as his nuncio or apocrisarins to
the Imperial Court at Constantinople, where, as Paul states (III, 13), he composed his book of Morals.
With the emperor Maurice his relations were not always cordial, although the emperor asked him to
stand sponsor for his son, the infant Theodosius. After remaining some six years in Constantinople he
returned (A. D. 585 or 586) to Rome and became the head of the monastery of St. Andrew which he had
established (Hodgkin, V, 287 to 296). He now placed his pen at the service of the Pope in the controversy
between that pontiff and the bishops of Istria concerning the condemnation of the Three Chapters (See
III, 20, supra, and note). In 589 the inundation mentioned at the beginning of this chapter occurred, and
in 590 the plague ravaged Italy. On the 8th of February of the latter year Pope Pelagius II died and
Gregory was chosen to succeed him. The seven-fold litany described by Paul occurred after Gregory was
elected, but before he was confirmed in the papal dignity. A fuller account of this litany is given in
Hodgkin (V, 298-302). Gregory's Epistles, composed during his pontificate, form a rich mine for the
investigator of the history of that period. They treat of the care of the vast patrimony of St. Peter which
included the largest and richest domains in Sicily as well as considerable estates in Rome, in the Sabine
country, in the neighborhood of Ravenna, in Campania, Apulia, Bruttium, Gaul, Illyricum, Sardinia and
Corsica, embracing property some 1800 square miles in extent. Gregory's letters show a conscientious
regard for the just and careful management of these estates, as well as for the useful expenditure of the
papal revenues and the efficient administration of the church, not only in these regions, but in Africa,
Spain and elsewhere. It was in 596 that he sent St. Augustine, abbot of his own monastery of St. Andrew,
to Britain on the mission mentioned in the following chapter, which resulted in the conversion of
Ethelbert and a great part of his nobles and people to Christianity, and in 601 the second mission under
Mellitus was dispatched to re-enforce Augustine and his co-laborers. Gregory reformed the music of the
church and remodeled the Roman liturgy, giving the service of the mass nearly the form which it bears at
the present day (Hodgkin, 307-329). He also took an important part in the political affairs of Italy and in
the defense of Naples, Rome and other cities of the empire against "the unspeakable Langobards." He
made a separate treaty with duke Ariulf of Spoleto (id., p.363), and was, as we shall see hereafter, the
efficient agent in procuring- the peace between Agilulf and the empire which relieved Italy from the
devastations of a protracted war. He made an earnest and even daring remonstrance to the emperor
Maurice against the decree forbidding the servants of the state to enter monasteries (pp. 374-376); he
reproached the emperor for preventing the peace for which he had long been striving (pp. 382-387), and
he bitterly resented the claim of the patriarch John of Constantinople to be called the Ecumenical or
Universal Bishop (pp. 390-400). While the contest over the title was at its height, John died. He was
succeeded by Cyriacus, a man of gentler nature, who, while he did not renounce, would not obtrude a
title which Gregory had declared to be "the precursor of Anti-christ," but which the patriarchs of
Constantinople continued to use until the Roman pontiffs nearly a century afterwards began to adopt it
for themselves (pp. 401-403). In 602 Maurice was overthrown by Phocas, and with his four youngest
children was put to death; later the same fate befell his eldest son Theodosius, and three years afterwards
it overtook his widowed empress Constantina and her daughters. Phocas proved to be a tyrant, imbecile
and brutal, a monster of lust and cruelty. In April 603 he was formally proclaimed emperor in Rome, and
Gregory, unmindful of the horrors incident to his accession to the throne, addressed to the usurper a
paean of praise and thanksgiving that has cast a stain upon the memory of this great pope (pp. 434-447).
But the judgment of his critics is perhaps too severe. He was slowly dying of the gout, from which he had
suffered many years. Maurice had appeared to him as the oppressor of the church and the enemy of the
true religion. The detestable character of Phocas was probably not yet manifest to Gregory, his
responsibility for the assassination of the children of Maurice may well have been unknown or
disbelieved. Within a year Gregory died, and although Hodgkin considers (V, 452) that it is safer to
judge him as a great Roman than as a great saint, it seems just to his memory that the splendid qualities
he exhibited throughout a life of intense activity should not be too greatly dimmed by a single mistake at
its close. As Hodgkin rightly says, his generosity, his justice, his courage, entitle him to a high place
among the noblest names of his imperial race. The secular power he wielded over the vast property
owned by the church, as well as his political influence in Italy, his negotiations and treaties with the
Langobards, his administration of the affairs of Rome and the surrounding territories at a time when the
empire, weakened and beset by numerous enemies, could give no protection to its subjects - all these
things tended to change the character of the Holy See, to make Gregory the true founder of the mediaeval
papacy and to pave the way for the subsequent establishment under Charlemagne of the temporal power
of the popes.
Chapter XXV.
At this time the same blessed Gregory sent Augustine and Mellitus and John with many other monks
who feared God into Britain and he converted the Angles to Christ by their preaching.
Chapter XXVI
In these days when Helias (Elias), patriarch of Aquileia, had died after holding his holy office fifteen
years, Severus succeeded him and undertook the management of the church. Smaragdus the patrician,
coming from Ravenna to Gradus (Grado), personally dragged him out of the church, and brought him
with insults to Ravenna together with three other bishops from Istria, that is, John of Parentium
(Parenzo), Severus [1] and Vendemius [2] and also Antony, [3] now an old man and trustee [4] of the
church. Threatening them with exile and inflicting violence, he compelled them to hold communion with
John, the bishop of Ravenna, a condemner of the Three Chapters, who had separated from the
communion of the Roman church at the time of Pope Vigilius or Pelagius. [5] After the expiration of a
year [6] they returned from Ravenna to Grado. And the people were not willing to hold communion with
them nor did the other bishops receive them. The patrician Smaragdus became not unjustly possessed of
a devil, and being succeeded by the patrician Romanus, returned to Constantinople. [7] After these things
a synod of ten bishops was held in Marianum (Marano) [8] where they took back Severus, the patriarch
of Aquileia, upon his giving a written confession of his error in taking communion at Ravenna with those
who had condemned the Three Chapters. [9] The names of the bishops who had withheld themselves
from this schism are these: Peter of Altinum (Altino) ; Clarissimus; [10] Ingenuinus of Sabione (Seben) ;
[11] Agnellus of Tridentum (Trent) ; Junior of Verona; Horontius of Vicentia (Vicenza) ; Rusticus of
Tarvisium (Treviso); Fonteius of Feltria (Feltre) ; Agnellus of Acilum (Asolo) ; Laurentius of Bellunum
(Belluno) ; Maxentius of Julium (Zuglio) ; [12] and Adrian of Pola. [13] But the following bishops held
communion with the patriarch ; Severus, John of Parentium (Parenzo), Patricius, Vendemius and
John.[14]
[1] Of Tergeste (Trieste) (Waitz).
[2] Of Cissa (Pago) (Waitz).
[3] Of Grado (Waitz).
[4] 'Defensor ecclesiae', a functionary often mentioned in the church annals, nominated by the emperor
on presentation of the bishop to protect the temporal interests of a particular church.
[5] Vigilius, A. D. 538-555; Pelagius, 555-559 or 560 (Muratori Ann. Ill, 455). It was at the time of
Vigilius, in 553, that the second Council of Constantinople was held. The words of Paul appear to be
written from the standpoint of the schismatics. In point of fact the Roman church was now supporting the
condemnation of the Three Chapters. Paul seems to have believed that orthodoxy lay upon the other side
(see Cipolla, Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, p. 144).
Cipolla believes (p. 145) that the reference to Vigilius was taken by Paul from a petition of the
schismatic bishops of the synod of Marano to the emperor Maurice in which they declared that their
predecessors held firmly to the instruction they had received from Pope Vigilius and the Council of
Chalcedon, and kept themselves faithful to the Three Chapters. This would explain his distorted view of
the controversy. If Paul took this statement from Secundus, the latter may well have derived it from the
petition of the schismatic bishops.
[6] A. D. 588 or 589 (Waitz).
[7] A. D. 590 (Waitz).
[8] About twelve miles west of Aquileia. The council was held about 589 (Hodgkin, V, 468, 470).
[9] This part of Paul's narrative is taken in all probability from the lost work of Secundus, bishop of
Trent, who was himself a schismatic and defender of the Three Chapters, and it may be due to this that
Paul's narrative is colored in their favor (Hodgkin, V, 468, note).
[10] Of Concordia (Waitz).
[11] Near Brixen (Waitz).
[12] On the Tagliamento above Tolmezzo (Abel).
[13] These bishops came largely from places under Langobard protection and could well afford to defy
the pope and the exarch (Hodgkin, V, 469).
[14] This Severus was bishop of Tergeste (Trieste); Patricius, of Aemona. (Laybach); Vendemius, of
Cissa (Pago), and John, of Celeia (Cilli) (Waitz). It is not clear whether they held communion with the
patriarch before or after his recantation (Hodgkin, V, 469, 4/0, note 2), probably before. Paul does not
tell the rest of the story. In the following year Gregory the Great became pope and wrote a letter
summoning the patriarch and his followers to Rome to be judged by a synod as to the matters in
controversy (Hodgkin, V, 470). Upon receipt of this letter two councils were assembled, one composed
of the bishops of the territory occupied by the Langobards, and the other of the bishops in the coast cities
subject to the empire. Each of these councils sent a letter to the emperor, and Severus the patriarch sent a
third. One of these letters, that of the Langobard bishops, has been preserved. They congratulated
Maurice upon his victories in Italy, and predicted that the day would soon come when the ''Gentiles''
would be overthrown and they would again become subjects of the empire. Then they would gladly
present themselves before a synod in Constantinople, but they asked that they should not be compelled to
appear before Gregory, who was a party to the cause, and whose communion they had renounced. If their
enemies were allowed to persecute them the result would be that their churches would be alienated from
the imperial authority (p. 471). This was an unpleasant prospect for the emperor, so Maurice ordered the
Pope not to molest them (p. 472). Gregory, thus restrained, had now to confine himself to argument.
When Callinicus became exarch, about 579, the schismatic bishops found it harder to preserve their
independence, and we hear of certain secessions from their ranks (pp. 474, 477). The schism had
extended beyond the confines of Venetia and Istria. Constantius, bishop of Milan and a friend of
Gregory, was urged to declare that he had never condemned the Three Chapters and when he refused,
three of his suffragans renounced his communion and induced Theudelinda, the Langobard queen, a
Catholic and the friend of Pope Gregory to do the same. "Here, indeed, was a blow for the Catholic
cause, if the royal influence which had been won with difficulty after the contest with Arianism was to be
lost again over the souls of the three Syrians '' (Hodgkin, V, 479). Upon the entreaties of the Pope, the
breach seems to have been healed and the queen's relations with Gregory remained friendly, although she
probably sympathized with the schismatics. In December, 603, shortly before his death, he wrote
congratulating her upon the birth and Catholic baptism of her son Adaloald, and said that sickness
prevented him from answering "his dearest son, the abbot Secundus," who appears to have also been on
the side of heresy (p. 480). At the time of Gregory's death the schism had assumed a geographical
character. In Istria, at Grado, and among the lagoons of Venice, ''in fact, wherever the galleys of
Constantinople could penetrate, churchmen were desirous to return into unity with the Emperor and the
Pope, and were willing to admit that Theodoret, Theodore and Ibas were suffering the vengeance of
eternal fire. On the mainland . . . wherever the swords of the Lombards flashed, men took a more hopeful
view of the spiritual prospects of the three Syrians" (p. 481). On the death of Severus two sets of
patriarchs were appointed, one for each section (IV, 33. infra). The schism continued until the end of the
7th century, when king Cunincpert summoned a council at Pavia in which the schismatics "with shouts of
triumph" renounced their heresy and asked to be restored to the church (Hodgkin, V, 483; VI, 14, infra,
see note). Book 3
Chapter XXVII.
At this time king Authari sent an army to Istria, which army Euin, duke of Tridentum (Trent),
commanded. [1] And they, after plunderings and burnings, when peace had been made for one year,
brought back a great sum of money to the king. Other Langobards too, besieged in the island of
Comacina, [2] Francio, master of soldiers, who had been hitherto of the party of Narses and had already
maintained himself for twenty years. This Francio, after he had been besieged six months, surrendered
that island to the Langobards but he himself was released by the king, as he had desired, and hastened
with his wife and his household goods to Ravenna. In this island many riches were found which had been
deposited there by particular cities.
[1] Probably 587 (Hodgkin, V, 244).
[2] Read Comacina instead of Amacina (Waitz). Comacina was a small island in lake Como, a little
Roman stronghold amid Langobard surroundings.
Chapter XXVIII.
The king Flavius Authari sent an embassy to Childepert asking that the sister of the latter should be
united to him in marriage. But while Childepert accepted gifts from the ambassadors of the Langobards,
and promised to give his sister to their king, yet when ambassadors of the Goths came from Spain he
promised this same sister over again, because he had learned that that nation had been converted to the
Catholic faith. [1]
[1] This was probably due to the intrigues of the queen mother Brunihilde, who, after suppressing an
insurrection of the nobles of Austrasia, pursued a policy of alliance with the empire and the church rather
than with the Langobards (Hartmann, II, I, 67, 68).
Chapter XXIX.
In the meantime he dispatched an embassy to the emperor Maurice sending him word that he would now
undertake the war against the nation of the Langobards, which he had not done before, and in concert
with the emperor, he would drive them out of Italy. And without delay he dispatched his army into Italy
for the subjugation of the Langobards.[1] King Authari and the troops of the Langobards quickly went
forth to meet him and fought bravely for their freedom. In that fight the Langobards won the victory; the
Franks were vanquished by main force, many were captured, very many also escaped by flight and
returned with difficulty to their own country. So great a slaughter was there made of the army of the
Franks as is not related anywhere else. And it is truly astonishing why Secundus, who wrote a number of
things concerning the doings of the Langobards, should pass over so great a victory of theirs as this, since
these things of which we have spoken concerning the destruction of the Franks may be read in their own
history, described in almost these very words. [2]
[1] Probably in 588 (Hodgkin, V, 260, z6i).
[2] Hartmann (II, I, 83) suggests that the silence of Secundus is due to the fact that the latter narrates
principally the events that occurred in his own immediate neighborhood (in the valley of the Adige) and
that the Franks probably crossed the Alps by some other route.
Chapter XXX.
But after these events king Flavius Authari sent ambassadors to Bavaria to ask for him in marriage the
daughter of Garibald [1] their king. [2] The latter received them kindly and promised that he would give
his daughter Theudelinda [3] to Authari. And when the ambassadors on their return announced these
things to Authari, he desired to see his betrothed for himself and bringing with him a few but active men
out of the Langobards, and also taking along with him, as their chief, [4] one who was most faithful to
him, he set forth without delay for Bavaria. And when they had been introduced into the presence of king
Garibald according to the custom of ambassadors, and he who had come with Authari as their chief had
made the usual speech after salutation, Authari, since he was known to none of that nation, came nearer
to king Garibald and said: "My master, king Authari has sent me especially on this account, that I should
look upon your daughter, his betrothed, who is to be our mistress, so that I may be able to tell my lord
more surely what is her appearance." And when the king, hearing these things, had commanded his
daughter to come, and Authari had gazed upon her with silent approval, since she was of a very beautiful
figure and pleased him much in every way, he said to the king: "Since we see that the person of your
daughter is such that we may properly wish her to become our queen, we would like if it please your
mightiness, to take a cup of wine from her hand, as she will offer it to us hereafter." And when the king
had assented to this that it should be done, she took the cup of wine and gave it first to him who appeared
to be the chief. Then when she offered it to Authari, whom she did not know was her affianced
bridegroom, he, after drinking and returning the cup, touched her hand with his finger when no one
noticed, and drew his right hand from his forehead along his nose and face.[5] Covered with blushes, she
told this to her nurse, and her nurse said to her: "Unless this man were the king himself and thy promised
bridegroom, he would not dare by any means to touch thee. But meanwhile, lest this become known to
thy father, let us be silent, for in truth the man is a worthy person who deserves to have a kingdom and be
united with thee in wedlock." For Authari indeed was then in the bloom of his youth, of becoming
stature, covered with yellow hair and very comely in appearance. Having received an escort from the
king, they presently took their way to return to their own country, and they speedily departed from the
territories of the Noricans. The province of the Noricans indeed, which the Bavarian people inhabits, has
on the east Pannonia, on the west Suavia (Swabia), on the south Italy and on the northern side the stream
of the Danube. Then Authari, when he had now come near the boundaries of Italy and had with him the
Bavarians who up to this time were conducting him, raised himself as much as he could upon the horse
he was managing, and with all his strength he drove into a tree that stood near by, a hatchet which he
carried in his hand and left it fixed there, adding moreover these words: "Authari is wont to strike such a
blow." And when he had said these things, then the Bavarians who accompanied him understood that he
was himself king Authari. [6] Then after some time, when trouble had come to king Garibald on account
of an invasion by the Franks, Theudelinda his daughter with her brother, Gundoald by name, fled to Italy
and announced to Authari, her promised bridegroom, that she was coming. And he straightway went
forth to meet her with a great train to celebrate the nuptials in the field of Sardis [7] which is above
Verona, and received her in marriage amid the rejoicing of all on the ides (15th) of May. Among other
dukes of the Langobards, Agilulf, Duke of the city of Taurini (Turin) was then present. A certain tree in
this place which was situated in the royal enclosures was hit during a violent gale by a stroke of lightning
with great crash of thunder, and Agilulf had then as a soothsayer a certain servant of his who by
diabolical art understood what future happenings strokes of lightning portended. When Agilulf was
sitting down to the requirements of nature the man secretly said to him: "This woman who has just been
wedded to our king is to be your wife before very long. "When he heard this he threatened to cut off the
man's head if he said anything further about the matter, but the man answered him: "I may be killed,
indeed, but assuredly that woman has come into the country to this destiny, that she should be joined
with you in marriage." And it afterwards so happened. At this time, from what cause is doubtful, Ansul, a
blood kinsman of king Authari was killed at Verona.
[1] From this name comes Garibaldi.
[2] That is, king of the Bavarians. He was more probably duke as he owed some sort of allegiance to
Childepert, the Frankish king ofAustrasia (Hodgkin, V, 236, note 3).
[3] Theudelinda had been betrothed to Childepert (id.), and her sister was the wife of the Langobard duke
Euin of Trent (III, 10, supra).
[4] Senior, see DuCange.
[5] Hodgkin translates more freely (V, 238): "Secretly intertwined her fingers with his, and bending low,
guided them over the profile of his face from the forehead to the chin." According to Abel's version he
stroked her face.
[6] In spite of this romantic legend it is probable that political considerations played no small part in the
wooing of Authari. Theudelinda was, on her mother's side, the granddaughter of the former Langobard
king Waccho, of the race of the Lethingi, with which Authari, who sprang from the later stock of Beleos,
desired an alliance to give an additional sanction of legitimacy to his royal title. The relations of the
Langobards to their northern neighbors the Bavarians had long been friendly, and after Authari had been
compelled to renounce his intended alliance with the Franks by a marriage with Chlotsuinda, the sister of
Childepert, he may well have desired to retain the friendship of the Bavarians, who although nominally
subject to Childepert, had control of the passes over the eastern Alps, and could offer no slight obstacle
to an invasion of Italy by the Franks. The powerful Uuke of Trent had married a sister of Theudelinda,
and his hearty support in resisting the Franks was also necessary to the king (Hartmann, II, i, 68).
[7] This name cannot be identified. The place must have bees near Lago di Garda (Hodgkin, V, 239, note
2). Book 3
Chapter XXXI.
At this time also when Grippo, the ambassador of Childepert king of the Franks, returned from
Constantinople and announced to his king how he had been honorably received by the emperor Maurice
and that the emperor at the desire of king Childepert promised that the insults he had endured at Carthage
would be atoned for, [1] Childepert without delay sent again into Italy an army of Franks with twenty
dukes to subjugate the nation of the Langobards. Of these dukes Auduald, Olo and Cedinus were quite
distinguished. But when Olo had imprudently attacked the fortress of Bilitio (Bellinzona), he fell
wounded under his nipple by a dart and died. When the rest of the Franks had gone out to take booty they
were destroyed by the Langobards who fell upon them while they were scattered in various places. But
Auduald indeed and six dukes of the Franks came to the city of Mediolanum (Milan) and set up their
camp there some distance away on the plains. In this place the messengers of the emperor came to them
announcing that his army was at hand to aid them and saying: "After three days we will come with them,
and this shall be the signal to you; when you shall see the houses of this country-seat which stands upon
the mountain burning with fire, and the smoke of the conflagration rising to heaven, you will know we
are approaching with the army we promise." But the dukes of the Franks watched for six days, according
to the agreement, and saw that no one came of those whom the messengers of the emperor had promised.
Cedinus indeed with thirteen dukes having invaded the left side [2] of Italy took five fortresses from
which he exacted oaths (of fidelity). Also the army of the Franks advanced as far as Verona and after
giving oaths (of protection), demolished without resistance many fortified places which had trusted them
suspecting no treachery from them. And the names of the fortified places they destroyed in the territory
of Tridentum (Trent) are these: Tesana (Tiseno), Maletum (Male), Sermiana (Sirmian), Appianum (Hoch
Eppan), Fagitana (Faedo), Cimbra (Cembra), Vitianum (Vezzano), Bremtonicum (Brentonico), Volaenes
(Volano), Ennemase (Neumarkt) [3] and two in Alsuca (Val Sugana) and one in Verona. When all these
fortified places were destroyed by the Franks, all the citizens were led away from them as captives. But
ransom was given for the fortified place of Ferrugis (Verruca), [4] upon the intercession of the bishops
Ingenuinus of Savio (Seben) [5] and Agnellus of Tridentum (Trent), one solidus per head for each man
up to six hundred solidi. [6] Meanwhile, since it was summer time, the disease of dysentery began
seriously to harass the army of the Franks on account of their being unused to the climate and by this
disease very many of them died. Why say more? While the army of the Franks was wandering through
Italy for three months and gaining no advantage - it could neither avenge itself upon its enemies, for the
reason that they betook themselves to very strong places, nor could it reach the king from whom it might
obtain retribution, since he had fortified himself within the city of Ticinum (Pavia) - the army, as we
have said, having become ill from the unhealthiness of the climate and grievously oppressed with hunger,
determined to go back home. And while they were returning to their own country they endured such
stress of famine that they offered first their own clothes and afterwards also their arms to buy food before
they reached their native soil. [7]
[1] This occurred in 590. Grippo had been sent some time before on an embassy to Constantinople with
two noblemen, Bodigisil and Evantius. On their way they stopped at Carthage, where a servant of
Evantius seized in the market place some object which struck his fancy, whereupon the owner
clamorously demanded its return, and one day, meeting- the servant in the street, laid hold of him and
said : "I will not let you go until you have returned what you stole from me,"whereat the servant drew his
sword and slew the man and returned to the inn where the ambassadors were staying but said nothing of
the matter. The chief magistrate of the city collected an armed troop, went to the inn, and summoned the
ambassadors to come out and assist in investigating the murder. Meanwhile a mob began to rush into the
house. Bodigisil and Evantius were slain at the inn door, whereupon Grippo at the head of his retainers
went forth fully armed, denounced the murderers of his colleagues, and said there would now never be
peace between the Franks and Romans. The prefect endeavored to placate him and when Grippo reached
Constantinople he was promised satisfaction by the emperor and reported this promise to his king, as
appears in the text. The satisfaction afterwards given was that twelve men were sent bound to Childepert
who was told that he might put them to death, or redeem their lives at the rate of 300 'aurei' (180 pounds
sterling) each. Childepert, greatly dissatisfied, said there was no proof that the men sent to him had
anything to do with the murder and he let them go (Hodgkin, 264, 267).
[2] The eastern side.
[3] Hodgkin (VI, 30) identifies these places : Tesana and Sermiana on the Adige, ten or twelve miles
south of Meran; Maletum, in the Val di Sole ; Appianum, opposite Botzen ; Fagitana, between the Adige
and the Avisio, overlooking the Rotalian plain; Cimbra, in the Val di Cembra on the lower Avisio;
Vitianum, west of Trent; Bremtonicum, between the Adige and the head of Lago di Garda ; Volaenes, a
little north of Roveredo ; Ennemase, not far south of Botzen.
[4] Close to Trent (Hodgkin, VI, 32).
[5] Not far below Brixen on the Eisach (Hodgkin, VI, 32, note 2).
[6] This chapter is a specimen of Paul's way of dovetailing his authorities together. The campaign of the
three dukes is given in the main in the words of Gregory of Tours. Then comes a passage from the
history of Secundus not agreeing with what had gone before, as it enumerates thirteen fortified places
instead of five, and then, after telling of the ransom, Paul here resumes his text from Gregory (Hodgkin,
VI, 31, note l). Hodgkin gives the price of ransom at twelve shillings a head, or for all, three hundred and
sixty pounds sterling. The language seems to indicate that the garrison were six hundred in number or it
might mean that the ransom varied from one solidus for a common soldier to six hundred for a chieftain
(Hodgkin, VI, 32, note 4).
[7] The Byzantine account of this campaign of the year 590 is given in two letters written by the exarch
Romanus to Childepert, stating that before the arrival of the Franks, the Romans had taken Modena,
Altino and Mantua, that when Cedinus was encamped near Verona they were upon the point of joining
him and supporting him by their light vessels on the river, intending with him to besiege Pavia and
capture king Authari, and that they were amazed to learn that Cedinus had made a ten months' truce with
the Langobards and had marched out of the country (Hodgkin, V, 271-274).
Chapter XXXII.
It is believed that what is related of king Authari occurred about this time. For the report is that that king
then came through Spoletium (Spoleto) to Beneventum (Benevento) and took possession of that region
and passed on as far even as Regium (Reggio), the last city of Italy next to Sicily, and since it is said that
a certain column is placed there among the waves of the sea, that he went up to it sitting upon his horse
and touched it with the point of his spear saying: "The territories of the Langobards will be up to this
place." The column is said to be there down to the present time and to be called the Column of
Authari.[1]
[1] Chapter XXXII is not believed to be historical but to belong to the domain of saga and perhaps of
epic song (Bruckner, p. 18, note 3 ; and Pabst, 453, note i ; see Hodgkin, V, 235 and 236, note 1).
Beneventum was established before Authari's time (Pabst, 453 and note 1).
Chapter XXXIII.
But the first duke of the Langobards in Beneventum [1] was named Zotto, and he ruled in it for the space
of twenty years. [2]
[1] Benevento stands in an amphitheater of hills overlooking the two rivers Calore and Sabato, which
afterwards unite and form the Voltorno. It was a city of the Samnites, possibly once inhabited by
Etruscans. At the time of the third Samnite war, B. C. 298 to 290, it passed under the dominion of Rome.
It was situated on the great Appian Way from Rome to Brundisium and upon the great road afterwards
built by Trajan, also on a branch of the Latin Way, a road connecting it with the north-east of Latium,
and it was a place of the utmost importance as a military position, commanding the southern portion of
Italy (Hodgkin, VI, 63-68).
'[2] No passage in Paul has given a harder task to investigators than this chapter. Five different opinions
(Waitz) have arisen from it as to the origin of the important duchy of Benevento. The twenty years
attributed to lotto's reign are reckoned, as Hartmann thinks (II, 1, 54), from the year 569, which was
regarded as the commencement of Langobard domination in Italy, and was thus transferred to Benevento,
and he does not believe that this duchy was established at so early a period. Hodgkin (VI, 71, note 1, and
73) argues that Zotto's reign began probably about 571, and ended about 591 (see Hirsch, History of the
Duchy of Beneventum, Chap. I). The duchy of Benevento is often spoken of as the duchy of the
Samnites (IV, 44, 46; VI, 2, 29, infra). It lasted until the latter part of the eleventh century (Hodgkin, VI,
69).
Chapter XXXIV
Meanwhile king Authari dispatched an embassy with words of peace to Gunthram, king of the Franks,
[1] the uncle of king Childepert. The ambassadors were received pleasantly by him but were directed to
Childepert who was a nephew on his brother's side, so that by his assent [2] peace should be confirmed
with the nation of the Langobards. This Gunthram indeed of whom we have spoken was a peaceful king
and eminent in every good quality. Of him we may briefly insert in this history of ours one very
remarkable occurrence, especially since we know that it is not at all contained in the history of the
Franks. When he went once upon a time into the woods to hunt, and, as often happens, his companions
scattered hither and thither, and he remained with only one, a very faithful friend of his, he was
oppressed with heavy slumber and laying his head upon the knees of this same faithful companion, he
fell asleep. From his mouth a little animal in the shape of a reptile came forth and began to bustle about
seeking to cross a slender brook which flowed near by. Then he in whose lap (the king) was resting laid
his sword, which he had drawn from its scabbard, over this brook and upon it that reptile of which we
have spoken passed over to the other side. And when it had entered into a certain hole in the mountain
not far off, and having returned after a little time, had crossed the aforesaid brook upon the same sword,
it again went into the mouth of Gunthram from which it had come forth. When Gunthram was afterwards
awakened from sleep he said he had seen a wonderful vision. For he related that it had seemed to him in
his slumbers that he had passed over a certain river by an iron bridge and had gone in under a certain
mountain where he had gazed upon a great mass of gold. The man however, on whose lap he had held his
head while he was sleeping, related to him in order what he had seen of it. Why say more? That place
was dug up and countless treasures were discovered which had been put there of old. [3] Of this gold the
king himself afterwards made a solid canopy [4] of wonderful size and great weight and wished to send
it, adorned with many precious gems, to Jerusalem to the sepulcher of our Lord. But when he could not at
all do this he caused it to be placed over the body of St. Marcellus the martyr who was buried in the city
of Cabillonum (Chalon-Sur-Saone) [5] where the capital of his kingdom was, and it is there down to the
present day. Nor is there anywhere any work made of gold which may be compared to it. But having
touched briefly upon these things, which were worthy of the telling, let us come back to our history.
[1] More properly, king of Burgundy (Hodgkin, V, 275).
[2] Read nutmn instead of notum.
[3] See Chap. X, supra, note at the end.
[4] Ciborium. Italian, baldacchino (Hodgkin, V, 202).
[5] Founded by Gunthram (Giansevero). Book 3
Chapter XXXV.
In the meantime, while king Authari's messengers were stopping in France, king Authari, after he had
reigned six years, [1] died at Ticinum (Pavia) on the Nones (5th) of September [2] from poison he had
taken, as they relate. And straightway an embassy was sent by the Langobards to Childepert, king of the
Franks to announce to him the death of king Authari and to ask for peace from him. And when he heard
this, he received the messengers indeed but promised that he would give peace at a future time. After
some days, however, he dismissed the aforesaid messengers with the promise of peace. But because
queen Theudelinda pleased the Langobards greatly, they allowed her to remain in her royal dignity,
advising her to choose for herself whomsoever she might wish from all the Langobards; such a one,
namely, as could profitably manage the kingdom. And she, taking counsel with the prudent, chose
Agilulf, duke of the people of Turin as her husband and king of the nation of the Langobards, for he was
a man energetic and warlike and fitted as well in body as in mind for the government of the kingdom.
The queen straightway sent word to him to come to her and she hastened to meet him at the town of
Laumellum (Lumello). [3] And when he had come to her, she, after some speech with him, caused wine
to be brought, and when she had first quaffed it, she handed the rest to Agilulf to drink. And when he had
taken the cup and had reverently kissed her hand, the queen said smiling with a blush, that he should not
kiss her hand who ought to imprint a kiss upon her lips. And straightway raising him up to kiss her, she
unfolded to him the subject of their marriage and of the sovereign dignity. Why say more? The nuptials
were celebrated with great rejoicing and Agilulf, who was a kinsman of king Authari on the mother's
side, [4] assumed the royal dignity at the beginning of the month of November. [5] Later however, in the
month of May when the Langobards had met together in one place, he was raised to the sovereignty by
all at Mediolanum.
[1] Seven years, says the Origo—six years and six months, says the Continuer of Prosper (Waitz).
[2] A. D. 590, a date which is well established (Hodgkin, V, 275, note 3).
[3] A little north of the Po, about twenty miles west of Pavia (Hodgkin, V, 283, note 2).
[4] Hartmann (II, I, 121) doubts this relationship.
[5] Waitz doubts this legend and believes that Agilulf obtained the crown by violence, citing the Origo
and the Continuer of Prosper, but in these there is no actual contradiction of the text, as they simply say
that Agilulf married Theudelinda and became king (Hodgkin, V, 283, note 4, 284). The fact, however,
that the occurrences related must have taken place, if at all, within two months of the death of her first
husband, detracts much from the charm of this otherwise delightful saga and adds something to its
improbability (Hartmann, II, I, 98, 99). Most likely Agilulf seized the crown and married Theudelinda,
the granddaughter of king Waccho, to acquire for his royal title some claim to legitimacy. Agilulf, one of
the great kings of the Langobards, was said to be of Thuringian extraction, though it is possible this
statement is due to a misunderstanding of his title as duke of Turin (Hartmann, II, I, 121). Theudelinda
was descended on her father's side from the Bavarians, the former Marcomanni, who after a long sojourn
to Bohemia, were settled in the region now known as Bavaria. Theudelinda virtually established a new
dynasty in Italy and her descendants reigned down to the fifth generation (Hodgkin, V, 285, 286). Book 4
Chapter I
When therefore Agilulf, who was also called Ago, had been confirmed in the royal dignity [1] he sent
Agnellus, [2] Bishop of Tridentum (Trent) to France for the sake of those who had been led captive by
the Franks from the fortified places of Tridentum. And Agnellus, on his return thence, brought back with
him a number of captives whom Brunihilde, [3] the queen of the Franks had ransomed with her own
money. Also Euin, duke of the people of Trent, proceeded to Gaul to obtain peace and when he had
procured it he returned.
[1] May, 591 (Waitz).
[2] Hartmann (II, i, 84) believes that the statement that Agnellus was acting on behalf of the Langobards
in this matter was a mistake due to the fact that Paul considered that the Catholic bishop of Trent was in
Langobard territory.
[3] Cf. Ill, 10 supra.
Chapter II.
In this year there was a very severe drought from the month of January to the month of September and
there occurred a dreadful famine. There came also into the territory of Tridentum a great quantity of
locusts which were larger than other locusts, and, wonderful to relate, fed upon grasses and marsh seeds,
but hardly touched the crops of the fields. And they appeared also in like manner the following year.
Chapter III.
In these days king Agilulf put to death Mimulf, duke of the island of St. Julian, [1] because he had on a
previous occasion treasonably surrendered to the dukes of the Franks. Gaidulf indeed, the Bergamascan
duke, rebelled in his city of Pergamus (Bergamo) and fortified himself against the king, but afterwards
gave hostages and made peace with his sovereign. Again Gaidulf shut himself up in the island of
Comacina. [2] But king Agilulf invaded this island and drove Gaidulf's men out of it and carried away to
Ticinum (Pavia) the treasure he had found placed there by the Romans. [3] But Gaidulf again fled to
Pergamus (Bergamo) and was there taken by king Agilulf and again received into favor. Also duke Ulfari
rebelled against king Ago at Tarvisium (Treviso), and was beseiged and captured by him.
[1] A small island in the Lago d' Orta (Giansevero), west of lake Maggiore.
[2] In lake Como.
[3] Cf. Ill, 27 supra.
Chapter IV.
In this year the inguinal plague was again at Ravenna, Gradus (Grado) and Istria, and was very grievous
as it had also been thirty years before. At this time too king Agilulf made peace with the Avars.
Childepert also waged with his cousin [1] the son of Hilperic, [2] a war in which as many as thirty
thousand men fell in battle. The winter was then very cold, so that hardly anyone recalled its like before.
Also in the region of the Briones (Brenner) blood flowed from the clouds, and among the waters of the
river Renus [3] (Reno) a rivulet of blood arose.
[1] On the mother's side.
[2] Chlotar II.
[3] Between Ferrara and Bologna. Or was this Rhenus the Rhine?
Chapter V.
In these days [1] the most wise and holy Pope Gregory, of the city of Rome, after he had written many
other things for the service of the holy church, also composed four books of the Life of the Saints. This
writing he called a dialogue, that is, the conversation of two persons, because he had produced it talking
with his deacon Peter. The aforesaid pope then sent these books to queen Theudelinda, whom he knew to
be undoubtedly devoted to the faith of Christ and conspicuous in good works.
[1] A. U. 593 (Waitz).
Chapter VI.
By means of this queen too, the church of God obtained much that was serviceable. For the Langobards,
when they were still held in the error of heathenism, seized nearly all the property of the churches, but
the king, moved by her wholesome supplication, not only held the Catholic faith [1] but also bestowed
many possessions upon the church of Christ and restored to the honor of their wonted dignity bishops
who were in a reduced and abject condition.
[1] Paul is probably mistaken in this. Theudelinda the queen was a Catholic, but Agilulf, although
tolerant, and allowing his son to be baptized as a Catholic, appears from the letters of St. Gregory and St.
Columban not to have become one himself (Hodgkin, VI, 140 to 144).
Chapter VII.
In these days Tassilo was ordained king [1] among the Bavarians by Childepert, king of the Franks. And
he presently entered with his army into the province of the Sclabi (Slavs), and when he had obtained the
victory, he returned to his own land with very great booty.
[1] A.D. 595 (Giansevero).
Chapter VIII.
Also at this time, Romanus, the patrician and exarch of Ravenna, proceeded to Rome. On his return to
Ravenna he re-occupied the cities that were held by the Langobards, of which the names are as follows:
Sutrium (Sutri), Polimartium (Bomarzo), Hortas (Orte),Tuder (Todi), Ameria (Amelia), Perusia
(Perugia), Luceolis [1] (Cantiano), and some other cities. When this fact was announced to king Agilulf,
he straightway marched out of Ticinum with a strong army and attacked the city of Perusia, and there for
some days he besieged Maurisio, the duke of the Langobards, who had gone over to the side of the
Romans, and without delay took him and deprived him of life. The blessed Pope Gregory was so much
alarmed at the approach of this king that he desisted from his commentary upon the temple mentioned in
Ezekiel, as he himself also relates in his homilies. [2] King Agilulf then, when matters were arranged,
returned to Ticinum (Pavia), and not long afterwards, upon the special suggestion of his wife, Queen
Theudelinda—since the blessed Pope Gregory had often thus admonished her in his letters - he
concluded a firm peace [3] with the same most holy man Pope Gregory and with the Romans, [4] and
that venerable prelate sent to this queen the following letter in expression of his thanks:
[1] All these were later in the States of the Church. Three of them were important stages on the Via
Flamminia connecting Rome with Ravenna (Hodgkin, V, 367).
[2] 'See Book II on Ezekiel. The passage is given in full in Waltz's note. See Homily XXII.
[3] Paul is in error here in his chronology, Agilulf's expedition against Perugia and Rome was in 594, or
according to Hodgkin (V. 369) in 593. The peace was concluded in the latter part of 598 (Jacobi, 27) or
more probably in 599 (Hodgkin, V, 415).
[4] In this chapter Paul gives a very short and insufficient account of a period filled with important
events. In the year 592, duke Ariulf of Spoleto, a town on the way from Ravenna to Rome, continually
threatened the communication between these two cities and captured a number of other places belonging
to the empire, and Arichis duke of Benevento, co-operating with Ariulf, pressed hard upon Naples.
About the end of July (Hodgkin, V, p. 363) Pope Gregory concluded a separate peace with Ariulf which
aroused great indignation at Ravenna and Constantinople because it was beyond the authority of the Pope
to make such peace with an independent power. It would seem that it was this action which stirred the
exarch Romanus to his campaign in which he recovered the cities mentioned by Paul, that had probably
fallen into Ariulf's possession. Now Agilulf took the field and after capturing Perugia marched on Rome,
and Pope Gregory, from the battlements of the city, saw the captive Romans driven from the Campagna,
roped together with halters around their necks on their way to slavery. The Pope made vigorous
preparations for the defense of the city but no assault was made. One of the early chroniclers known as
the Copenhagen Continuer of Prosper, says Agilulf relinquished the siege because he was melted by the
prayers of Gregory. This statement has been doubted (Hodgkin, V, 372) and perhaps other causes, fever,
disaffection, the impregnability of the place or the rebellion of the Langobard dukes may have led to his
return. But the Pope began at once to work for peace between Agilulf and the empire. The emperor
Maurice and the exarch Romanus laid many obstacles in the way, and it was not until the death of
Romanus and the succession of Callinicus that peace was concluded.
Chapter IX.
"Gregory to Theudelinda, queen of the Langobards.
We have learned from the report of our son, the abbot Probus, that your Excellency has devoted yourself,
as you are wont, zealously and benevolently, to making peace. Nor was it to be expected otherwise from
your Christianity but that you would show to all your labor and your goodness in the cause of peace.
Wherefore we render thanks to Almighty God, who so rules your heart by His affection, that He has not
only given you the true faith, but He also grants that you devote yourself always to the things that are
pleasing to Him. For think not, most excellent daughter, that you have obtained but little reward for
staying the blood which would otherwise have been poured out upon both sides. On account of this thing
we return thanks for your good will and invoke the mercy of our God that He may weigh out to you a
requital of good things in body and soul, here and hereafter. Saluting you, moreover, with fatherly love,
we exhort you that you so proceed with your most excellent husband that he may not reject the alliance
of our Christian Republic. For, as we think you also know, it is expedient in many ways that he should be
willing to betake himself to its friendship. Do you, therefore, according to your custom, ever busy
yourself with the things that relate to the welfare of the parties and take pains to commend your good
deeds more fully in the eyes of Almighty God, where an opportunity may be given to win His reward."
Likewise his letter to king Agilulf: "Gregory to Agilulf, king of the Langobards. We render thanks to
your Excellency that, hearing our petition, you have declared peace (as we had faith you would), which
will be of advantage to both parties. Wherefore we strongly praise the prudence and goodness of your
Excellency, because in loving peace you show that you love God who is its author. If it had not been
made, which God forbid ! what could have happened but that the blood of the wretched peasants, whose
labor helps us both, would be shed to the sin and ruin of both parties? But that we may feel the advantage
of this same peace as it has been made by you, we pray, saluting you with fatherly love, that as often as
occasion shall be given, you may by your letters admonish your dukes in various places and especially
those stationed in these parts, that they keep this peace inviolably, as has been promised, and that they do
not seek for themselves opportunities from which may spring any strife or dissatisfaction, so that we may
be able to render thanks for your good will. We have received indeed the bearers of these present letters,
as being in fact your servants, in the affection which was due, because it was just that we should receive
and dismiss with Christian love wise men who announced a peace made with God's approval." [1]
[1] This letter is said to have been written Dec., 598 (Hodgkin, V, 419, note), though this was before the
peace was finally concluded. Probably the preliminary negotiations had been then completed. Book 4
Chapter X.
Meanwhile, in the following month of January, a comet appeared morning and evening through the
whole month. And in this month also John, archbishop of Ravenna, died and Marianus, a Roman citizen,
was substituted in his place. Also Euin, the duke of Trent, being dead, duke Gaidoald, a good man and a
Catholic in religion, was assigned to that place. And in these same days, while the Bavarians, to the
number of thirty thousand men, attacked the Slavs, the Cagan [1] fell upon them and all were killed.
Then for the first time wild horses and buffaloes [2] were brought into Italy, and were objects of wonder
to the people of that country.
[1] Thus the king of the Avars or Huns was called (Giansevero), and this is the probable meaning of the
title in this place, but the term is also applied to the chiefs of the Russians or Muscovites (see DuCange),
hence perhaps here to the chief of the Slavs. It was a generic name like "Caesar," "Augustus," " Flavius"
among the Romans. The word "Khan" is evidently derived from it (Giansevero, p. 140).
[2] Bubalus is probably [Greek word for] ''buffalo,'' or possibly [Greek word for] an African deer or
antelope.
Chapter XI.
Also at this time Childepert, king of the Franks, in the twenty-fifth year of his age, was murdered, as is
said, together with his wife, by poison.[1] The Huns, too, who are also called Avars, entered Thuringia
from Pannonia and waged desperate wars with the Franks. Queen Brunihilde, with her grandsons
Theudepert and Theuderic who were still little boys, was then reigning over Gaul and the Huns took
money from them and returned home. Also Gunthram, king of the Franks, died, and queen Brunihilde,
with her grandsons, the sons of Childepert, who were still little children, assumed his royal authority.
[1] A.D. 593 (Hodgkin, V, 345).
Chapter XII.
At the same time the Cagan, king of the Huns, sending messengers to Mediolanum (Milan) to Agilulf,
made peace with him. [1] Also the patrician Romanus died [2] and Gallicinus [3] succeeded him and
entered into a treaty of peace with king Agilulf. [4]
[1]Some time between 593 and 600 (Hodgkin, V, 422, note 3).
[2] A. D. 596 or 597 (Hodgkin, V, 409).
[3] His proper name was Callinicus (Hodgkin, V, 410).
[4] This was the peace in regard to which Gregory wrote the preceding letters to Theudelinda and
Agilulf. It was only a peace for two years (Hodgkin, V, 418, 420. 428).
Chapter XIII.
At this time also Agilulf made perpetual peace with Theuderic, king of the Franks. Afterwards king Ago
put to death Zangrulf, duke of Verona, who rebelled against him. He also slew Gaidulf, duke of
Pergamus (Bergamo), whom he had already spared twice. Also in like manner he put to death
Warnecautius at Ticinum (Pavia).
Chapter XIV.
At a subsequent time a very severe plague again devastated Ravenna and those places which were around
the shores of the sea. Also in the following year a great mortality wasted the people of Verona.
Chapter XV.
Then also a bloody sign was seen appearing in heaven, and as it were, bloody lances and a very brilliant
light through the whole night. Theudepert king of the Franks at that time waged war with his cousin
Clothar and violently overthrew his army.
Chapter XVI.
In the following year duke Ariulf who had succeeded Faruald [1] at Spoletium (Spoleto) died. This
Ariulf, when he had waged war against the Romans at Camerinum (Camerino) [2] and had gotten the
victory, [3] began to inquire of his men who that man was whom he had seen fighting so vigorously in
the war he had waged. And when his men answered that they had not seen anyone there acting more
bravely than the duke himself, he said: "Surely I saw another man there much and in every way better
than I, and as often as any one of the opposite side attempted to strike me, that active man always
protected me with his shield." And when the duke himself had come near Spoletium (Spoleto) where
stands the church of the blessed martyr, the bishop Savinus, [4] in which his venerable body reposes,
Ariulf asked to whom belonged this spacious abode. It was answered him by devout men that the martyr
Savinus reposed there whom Christians were wont to invoke in their aid as often as they went to war
against their enemies. And Ariulf, since up to this time he was a heathen, thus answered: "And can it be
that a dead man can give any aid to one living?" And when he had said this, he leaped down from his
horse and went into the church to look at it. And then while the others were praying he began to admire
the pictures of that church. And when he had beheld the painted figure of the blessed martyr Savinus he
straightway said and declared with an oath that that man who had protected him in battle had in every
way such a form and bearing. Then it was understood that the blessed martyr Savinus had brought him
help in battle. Upon the death of Ariulf, after two sons of Faroald the former duke had contended
between themselves for the dukedom, one of them, Teudelapius by name, was crowned with victory and
received the dukedom.[5]
[1]Faruald died about 591 (Waitz). The name is also spelled Faroald, see infra.
[2] A city of Picenum on the east side of the Apennines near the boundaries of Umbria.
[3] The campaign of Ariulf, including probably a siege of Rome, had taken place some time before this
in 592, and had ended in a partial peace concluded by Pope Gregory with the Langobard duke, due to the
veneration aroused in the heart of Ariulf by a personal interview with the pontiff. This was the peace that
exposed the pope to bitter reproaches at Constantinople (Hodgkin, VI, 93) and was possibly the occasion
of the campaign of Romanus against the cities that had been taken by the Langobards (IV, 8 supra').
[4]Hodgkin suggests (V, 365, note 3) that this may be a mistake as Savinus (or Sabinus) was patron saint,
not of Spoleto but Camerino.
[5] Ariulf died in 601, about ten years after his accession and king Agilulf appears to have had little hand
in regulating the succession, since this was decided by battle between the two sons of Faruald.
Teudelapius kept the dukedom of Spoleto for more than half a century (601 to 653), during which time
there were four kings at Pavia (Hodgkin, VI, 95, 96).
Chapter XVII.
About this time the monastery of the blessed father Benedict which was situated in the stronghold of
Casinum (Monte Cassino) was attacked at night by the Langobards, [1] and although they plundered
everything, they could not get hold of one of the monks. This was in fulfillment of a prophecy of the
venerable father Benedict, which he had made long before, in which he said:
" I have been able with difficulty to obtain from God that the souls from this place should be yielded to
me." [2] The monks fled from this place and made their way to Rome carrying with them the manuscript
of the Holy Rule (of the order) which the aforesaid father had composed, and certain other writings and
also a pound of bread and a measure of wine, and whatever of their household goods they had been able
to snatch away. Subsequently to the blessed Benedict indeed, Constantine governed that fraternity; after
him Simplicius; after him Vitalis; finally Bonitus under whom this destruction occurred.
[1] This attack actually occurred A. I). 589, not 601, the date of Ariulf's death (Jacobi, 25, 26). Some
historians indeed place it as early as 582 (Giansevero).
[2] The whole prophecy was (see Dialogues Gregory the Great, II, chap. 17), "All this monastery that I
built and all things that I prepared for the brothers, have been delivered to the heathen by the judgment of
God Almighty. I have been able with difficulty, etc."
Chapter XVIII.
On the death of Zotto, duke of Beneventum (Benevento), [1] Arigis (or Arichis), sent by king Agilulf,
succeeded to his place. He had come originally from Forum Julii (Cividale) and had educated the sons of
Gisulf, [2] duke of Forum Julii (Friuli), and was a blood relation of that same Gisulf. There exists a letter
of the blessed Pope Gregory to this Arigis drawn up in the following terms:
[1] A D. 591. He had pushed his ravages far into Apulia Lucania and Calabria, apparently acting
independently of the Langobard kingdom in the north of Italy (Ilodgkin, VI, 73).
[2] Arichis was drke in 591, as appears from a letter of Gregory the Great (Epist., II, 46). How then could
Grimoald, the son of Gisulf, who was a little boy during the Avar invasion of 610 (IV, 37 infra), have
been one of his pupils before 591 ? Even Grimoald's elder brothers Taso and Gacco were young enough
for the eldest to be adopted by the exarch after his father's death about 612, and could hardly have been
born before 585, six years before Arichis became duke of Leneventum. Hodgkin believes (VI, 74, note)
that it was the children of an earlier generation whom Arichis instructed, perhaps the children of Grasulf
I, and that afterwards, when Arichis received the two young princes Radoald and Grimoald at his court
(IV, 39 infra), it was the sons of one of his old pupils that he welcomed to Leneventum. Other
commentators believe that Paul was altogether wrong. Arichis practically acted as an independent
sovereign, making war with Naples and Rome, and king Agilulf could not conclude a peace with the
empire till Arichis assented. When Arichis died the king of the Langobards does not seem to have been
consulted in the appointment of his successor (Hodgkin, VI, 75). Book 4
Chapter XIX.
"Gregory to Duke Arogis: [1]
"Since we trust in your Highness as indeed in our own son, we are moved to make a request of you in a
way confidentially, thinking that you will not at all suffer us to be disappointed, especially in a matter
from which your soul may be greatly benefited. We inform you then that a considerable number of
wooden beams are needful to us for the churches of the blessed Peter and Paul, and therefore we have
enjoined our sub-deacon Savinus to cut a number in the region of Brittii (Calabria) and to bring them to a
suitable place by the sea. And because he needs assistance in this thing, we ask, saluting your Highness
with paternal love, that you should charge your managers [2] who are in that place to send the men who
are under them with their oxen to his assistance, so that with your aid he can the better perform what we
have enjoined upon him. And we promise that when the thing is finished, we will send to you a worthy
gift which will not be displeasing, for we know how to regard and to recompense our sons who show us
good will. Whence we ask again, illustrious son, that you should so act that we can be debtors to you for
the favor shown and that you may have a reward for (your services to) the churches of the saints."
[1] Spelled thus in the oldest manuscripts and also in the letters of Gregory.
[2] Actionarii. These were subordinate officials of the king who stood in rank under the gastaldi, and
appear to have had charge of particular domains of the king, or (in Benevento and Spoleto) of the duke
(Pabst, 493).
Chapter XX.
In these days the daughter of king Agilulf was taken from the city of Parma, together with her husband
named Gudescalc (Gottschalk), by the army of the patrician Gallicinus (Callinicus), and they were
brought to the city of Ravenna. At this time also king Agilulf sent to the Cagan, the king of the Avars,
workmen for the making of ships with which that Cagan afterwards conquered a certain island in
Thrace.1]
[1] Although these shipwrights were probably Romans, the incident shows the general acceptance by the
Langobards of the industrial arts of the people they had conquered. The history of these changes is given
in Hartmann, II, 2, chap. I, in detail, see pp. 19-23. See also chap. 22, infra, where their change in dress is
noted.
Chapter XXI.
At the same time queen Theudelinda dedicated the church of St. John the Baptist, which she had built in
Modicia (Monza), a place which is twelve miles above Mediolanum (Milan). And she decorated it with
many ornaments of gold and silver and endowed it amply with estates. In this place also Theuderic, the
former king of the Goths, had constructed his palace, because the place, since it is near the Alps, is
temperate and healthful in summer time.
Chapter XXII.
There also the aforesaid queen built herself a palace, in which she caused to be painted something of the
achievements of the Langobards. In this painting it is clearly shown in what way the Langobards at that
time cut their hair, and what was their dress and what their appearance. They shaved the neck, and left it
bare up to the back of the head, having their hair hanging down on the face as far as the mouth and
parting it on either side by a part in the forehead. Their garments were loose and mostly linen, such as the
Anglo-Saxons are wont to wear, [1] ornamented with broad borders woven in various colors. Their
shoes, indeed, were open almost up to the tip of the great toe, and were held on by shoe latchets
interlacing alternately. But later they began to wear trousers, [2] over which they put leggins of shaggy
woolen cloth [3] when they rode. But they had taken that from a custom of the Romans.
[1] This is said to be the first appearance in literature of the word "Anglo-Saxon" (Hodgkin, V, 154, note
4).
[2] The monk of Salerno says that king Adaloald (A. D. 616-626) was the first who wore trousers (Abel,
note).
[3] 'Tubrugos birreos'. Hodgkin considers (V, 154, 155) that the explanation quoted in Waitz's note
"Byrrus vestis est amphimallus villosus" (having the nap on both sides), according to which the 'birrus'
was a sort of waterproof cape thrown over other garments when it rained, seems to throw most light on
this passage. (See DuCange).
Chapter XXIII.
Up to this time the city of Patavium (Padua) had rebelled against the Langobards, the soldiers resisting
very bravely. But at last when fire was thrown into it, it was all consumed by the devouring flames and
was razed to the ground by command of king Agilulf. The soldiers, however, who were in it were
allowed to return to Ravenna.
Chapter XXIV.
At this time the ambassadors of Agilulf who returned from the Cagan announced a perpetual peace made
with the Avars. Also an ambassador of the Cagan came with them and proceeded to Gaul, demanding of
the kings of the Franks that they should keep peace with the Langobards the same as with the Avars.
Meanwhile the Langobards invaded the territories of the Istrians [1] with the Avars and the Slavs, and
laid waste everything with burnings and plunderings.
[1] Istria still remained under Byzantine dominion up to the year 751 (Abel). This raid was probably
about 601 (Hodgkin, V, 430, note 1).
Chapter XXV.
There was then born to Agilulf the king, by his queen Theudelinda, in the palace of Modicia (Monza), a
son who was called Adaloald. At a subsequent time the Langobards attacked the fortress of Mons Silicis
(Monselice). [1] During the same period, at Ravenna, after Gallicinus (Callinicus) had been driven away,
Smaragdus, who had before been patrician of Ravenna, returned. [2]
[1] A little south of Padua (Abel).
[2] A D. 602 (Hodgkin, V, 431).
Chapter XXVI.
Then the emperor Maurice, after he had ruled the empire twenty-one years, was killed, together with his
sons Theodosius and Tiberius and Constantine, by Focas (Phocas) who was the master of horse of
Priscus the patrician. But he had been very useful to the state for he had often obtained victory when
contending against the enemy. The Huns too, who are also called Avars, were subjugated by his prowess.
[1]
[1] During the reign of Maurice a radical change began to take place in the permanent government of
those parts of Italy which remained subject to Byzantium. The invasion of the Langobards, which was at
first believed to be a mere temporary incursion, had been followed by their settlement in the country, and
although Maurice would not abandon the hope of expelling them, it was found more and more necessary
to accept their presence as a permanent condition. The continual wars had given rise to special military
jurisdiction conferred upon the chief officers of the empire, which was temporary at first, then often
renewed, and at last permanent. The exarch remained the personal representative of the emperor, with
full powers, including the right to conclude a temporary truce with the Langobards, though not a lasting
peace and alliance (Hartmann, II, I, 125). The frontier towns were fortified and permanent garrisons were
established in them which were recruited from the neighborhood; the civil municipalities became
transformed into military governments; each of the larger fortified places had a tribune as a special
commandant of the city, and the tribunes were under the authority of a 'magister militum' or of a duke
who commanded the frontier district and who was named by the exarch. These officers gradually took
the place of the former provincial civil governors, and a military corporation, the 'numerus', succeeded
the municipality (id., pp. 126 to 135). The military officials began to acquire extensive landed interests,
the remnant of small land-owners became more completely subject to the large proprietors, and the
foundations of something which afterwards resembled a feudal tenure began to be laid (p. 136). Under
Phocas the relations between Italy and Constantinople became greatly relaxed and there was a decided
weakening of the imperial power. Commerce suffered in the general disorganization of the empire, and
the means of communication were neglected. On the other hand there was a growing disposition to come
to terms with the Langobards, although as yet an armistice for a limited time, but often renewed, was all
the concession that could be made, as the emperor was apparently still unwilling to recognize the
permanency of Langobard domination (id., 198, 199). The exarch Smaragdus, whom Phocas had sent to
Italy, co-operated more heartily than his predecessors with the pope (id., 200), and the new emperor
issued a decree upholding the authority and primacy of the Roman See (Paul, IV, 36, infra). Active
proceedings were renewed against the schismatics of Istria and Venetia, whose bishops now betook
themselves to the protection of duke Gisulf of Friuli and of king Agilulf. The schismatic bishop John was
consecrated as their patriarch in Cividale and the empire lost their support (IV, 33, infra, Hartmann, II, I,
201). We even find some of them afterwards taking part on the side of the Arian king Arioald against the
Catholic Adaloald in the contest for the Langobard crown (id., p. 208). Book 4
Chapter XXVII.
Gaidoald duke of Tridentum (Trent) and Gisulf of Forum Julii (Friuli), who were previously separated by
strife from the companionship of king Agilulf, were taken back by him this year in peace. [1] Then also
was the above-named boy Adaloald, the son of king Agilulf, baptized in St. John in Modicia (Monza) [2]
and was received from the font [3] by Secundus of Trent, a servant of Christ of whom we have often
made mention.[4] The day of the Easter festival was at that time on the seventh day before the ides of
April (April 7).
[1] If this year refers to the death of Maurice, it is 602; if it be connected with the baptism of Adaloald,
that occurred in 603
(Hodgkin, VI, 34, note l).
[2] Probably April 7, 603 (Hodgkin, V, 430, note 3).
[3] As his godson.
[4] Only once (III, 29, supra) and once afterwards (IV, 40, infra), but a great part of this book seems to be
taken from his work. This baptism was a triumph for the Catholic faith over Arianism. Agilulf s
predecessor Authari had forbidden the Langobard nobles to have their children baptized by Catholics
(Hodgkin, V, 430).
Chapter XXVIII.
In these days the Langobards still had a quarrel with the Romans on account of the captivity of the king's
daughter. [1] For this reason king Agilulf departed from Mediolanum (Milan) in the month of July,
besieged the city of Cremona with the Slavs whom the Cagan, king of the Avars, had sent to his
assistance and took it on the twelfth day before the calends of September (August 21st) [2] and razed it to
the ground. In like manner he also assaulted Mantua, and having broken through its walls with batteringrams he entered it on the ides (l3th) of September, [3] and granted the soldiers who were in it the
privilege of returning to Ravenna. Then also the fortress which is called Vulturina (Valdoria) [4]
surrendered to the Langobards; the soldiers indeed fled, setting fire to the town of Brexillus (Bresccllo).
[5] When these things were accomplished, the daughter of the king was restored by Smaragdus the
patrician with her husband and children and all her property. In the ninth month peace was made up to
the calends (first) of April of the eighth indiction.[6] The daughter of the king, indeed, presently returned
from Ravenna to Parma; but she died immediately in the perils of a difficult child-birth. In this year [7]
Teudepert and Theuderic, kings of the Franks, fought with their paternal uncle Clothar, and in this
struggle many thousands fell on both sides.
[1] See chapter 20, supra.
[2] A. D. 603 (Hodgkin, V, 432).
[2] A. D. 603 (id).
[4] Hodgkin (V, 432) places it on the northern bank of the Po not far from Parma, which is probably
correct. Thus Waitz. Giansevero, p. 134, believes that a castle named Vulturena at the upper end of lake
Como at the entrance of the Valtellina is intended.
[5] Or as Waitz calls it, Bersello, and adds that it is not far from Reggio (d'Emilia). It was a town on the
Po about ten miles from Parma (Hodgkin, V, 432; see III ,18 snprci).
[6] April 1st, 605. This indiction began with the first of September, 604.
[7] A. D. 605 (Waitz).
Chapter XXIX.
Then also in the second year of the reign of Focas (Phocas), during the eighth indiction, the blessed Pope
Gregory journeyed to Christ. [1] In his place Savinianus was appointed to the office of the papacy. [2]
There was then a very cold winter and the vines died in nearly every place. Also the crops failed, partly
destroyed by mice and partly smitten by the blight. And indeed the world was then bound to suffer from
famine and drought when, upon the departure of so great a leader, a lack of spiritual nourishment and the
dryness of thirst attacked the souls of men. I may well put a few things in this little work from a certain
letter of this same blessed Pope Gregory that it may more clearly be known how humble this man was
and of how great innocence and holiness. When then he had been accused by the emperor Maurice and
his sons [3] of killing in prison for money a certain bishop Malchus, he wrote a letter on this subject to
Savinianus his legate, who was at Constantinople, and said to him among other things the following:
"There is one thing you may briefly suggest to our Most Serene Lords, that if I, their servant, had chosen
to mix myself up with the death even of Langobards, the people of the Langobards would today have
neither king nor dukes nor counts and would be split up in the utmost confusion. But because I fear God I
dread to take part in the death of any man. This bishop Malchus indeed was neither in prison nor in any
suffering but on the day on which he pleaded his cause and was adjudged, he was taken without my
knowledge, by Boniface, a notary, to his home to dine there and was honorably treated by him and at
night he suddenly died. "Look! how great was the humility of this man who called himself a servant
when he was the supreme pontiff! how great was his innocence, when he was unwilling to take part in
the death of Langobards who indeed were unbelievers and were plundering everything!
[1]Paul, following Bede as his authority, errs as to this date. Gregory died March, 604, in the seventh
indiction - Phocas began to reign near the end of 602 in the sixth indiction (Waitz).
[2] 'Apostolicatus' (see DuCange, tit. Apostolicus).
[3] I read 'filios' for 'filo'.
Chapter XXX.
In the following summer then, [1] in the month of July, Adaloald was raised as a king over the
Langobards, in the circus at Mediolanum (Milan) in the presence of his father, king Agilulf, and while
the ambassadors of Teudepert, king of the Franks [2] were standing by; and the daughter of king
Teudepert was betrothed to the same royal youth and perpetual peace was established with the Franks.
[3]
[1] A. D. 604. Paul must have been mistaken in this date since Pope Gregory in Dec., 603, had written to
Theudelinda sending certain gifts to "Adaloald the king" (Hodgkin, V, 447).
[2] Teudepert II, king of Austrasia (Hodgkin, VI, 108).
[3] A few years later (A. D. 607) Agilulf joined Teudepert as well as Clothar of Neustria, and Witterich,
king of the Visigoths in an alliance against Theuderic II, of Burgundy, who had repudiated and divorced
the daughter of Witterich. There is no record of the result of this alliance and in 612 war broke out again.
Theuderic overcame Teudepert and put him to death, but what became of his daughter, the affianced
bride of Adaloald, we are not informed. Theuderic then turned against Clothar, but suddenly died,
leaving four illegitimate children. The eldest of these was Sigibert and in his name, his great
grandmother, the old queen Brunihilde aspired to rule over Burgundy and Austrasia, but Arnulf, bishop
of Metz, and Pepin, a great noble, went over to the side of Clothar, and in 613 Brunihilde and her greatgrandchild were captured. She was tied to a vicious horse and trampled to death (Hodgkin, VI, 108-110).
Chapter XXXI.
At the same time the Franks fought with the Saxons and there was a great slaughter on both sides. At
Ticinum (Pavia) also, in the church of St. Peter the Apostle, Peter the director of the choir [1] was struck
by lightning. [1] Canter who instructed the choristers and younger clerics in music and directed the
singing of the service. Sometimes this office was of considerable dignity and had a prebend attached to
it. See DuCange.
Chapter XXXII.
Afterwards, on the following month of November, king Agilulf made peace with Smaragdus the patrician
for one year, receiving from the Romans [1] twelve thousand solidi. [2] Cities of Tuscany too, that is,
Balneus Regis [3] (Bagnarea) and Urbs Vetus [4] (Orvieto) were seized by the Langobards. [5] Then also
in the month of April and May there appeared in the heavens a star which they call a comet. Afterwards
king Agilulf again made peace with the Romans for three years. [6]
[1] That is, the Greeks (Waitz).
[2] See III, 17, note 2, supra, as to the value of the solidus.
[3] "The King's Bath."
[4] ''Old City.'' Both these places were afterwards in the States of the Church.
[5] The seizure of these cities seems to have been in April, 605, before the commencement of the year of
truce just mentioned (see IIartmann, II, I, 197) which began in November of that year.
[6] 607 to 610 (Hartmann, II, i, 197.
Chapter XXXIII.
In these days after the death of the patriarch Severus, the abbot John was ordained in his place [1] as
patriarch in old Aquilcia with the consent of the king and of duke Gisulf. In Gradus (Grado) also
Candidianus was ordained bishop by the Romans. [2] Again in the months of November and December a
comet appeared. When Candidianus also died, Epiphanius, who had been chief of the secretaries, [3] was
ordained patriarch at Gradus by the bishops who were under the Romans. And from that time there began
to be two patriarchs. [4]
[1] In the Chronicle of the Patriarchs of New Aquileia (see Monticolo's ed., 1890, p. 9), Marcianus is
placed between Severus and John, and it is stated that he held the office 3 years, 1 month and 5 days.
Otherwise the list corresponds with that of Paul (Cipolla in Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, p. 136).
[2] 'Antistes', a name given, not only to bishops and abbots, but also to priors and then to parish priests.
Andrea Dandolo, a doge and chronicler of Venice in the 14th century, says that Marcianus preceded
Candidianus (see Dandolo's Chronicle, Bk. VI, Ch. 3).
[3] 'Primicerius notarioruin', Abel translates "Papal chief notary."
[4] The division in the patriarchate was due to the schism in regard to the Three Chapters (III, 20 and 26,
supra). The effect of the division was to throw the schismatics into the arms of the Langobards. The
patriarch John, mentioned in the text, complained to Agilulf of the persecutions of the Greeks and said
that three Istrian bishops had been dragged away by imperial soldiers and forced to hold communion
with Candidianus at Grado, and he asked the king, now that that worthless man had gone to eternal
torment, to prevent a new patriarch from being ordained at Grado. This, however, was not done. Some
time later, one Fortunatus was made patriarch there, and being at heart a schismatic, he seized the
treasure of the church and fled to the mainland, where he was made patriarch of Aqiiileia and the
Langobards were asked in vain to give back the treasure. Finally the emperor Heraclius sent a large sum
of money to Grado to make up for the loss (Hodgkin, V, 482, 483). Book 4
Chapter XXXIV.
At this time John of Consia [1] (Conza) took possession of Naples, but not many days afterwards
Eleutherius, the patrician, drove him from that city and killed him. After these things that same patrician
Eleutherius, a eunuch, assumed the rights of sovereignty. While he was proceeding from Ravenna to
Rome he was killed [2] in the fortress of Luceoli [3] by the soldiers and his head was brought to the
emperor at Constantinople. [4]
[1] Or "Compsa," a city in ancient Samnium on the Aufidus.
[2] Paul places the death of John of Consia and Eleutherius 10 or 12 years too early. According to the
Liber Pontificalis, Eleutherius was killed A. D. 619 (Jacobi, 53), after Agilulf's death. See Hodgkin, VI,
156.
[3] Or "Luciuolo,'' which is believed to be located between Gubbio and Cagli, hence north of Perugia and
south of Urbino (Muratori Ann., 4, 40).
[4] The usurpation of Eleutherius was one of a series of efforts to separate Italy from the East,
occasioned by the growing weakness of the empire. The exarch John, the immediate successor of
Smaragdus had been killed with a number of other officers, and Eleutherius his successor had punished
those who had been guilty of the crime, and had then become involved in an unsuccessful war with the
Langobards with whom he had concluded an armistice in consideration of an annual tribute of 500
pounds of gold. Now he raised the standard of revolt with the design of establishing a new Western
empire with Rome as its capital. He assumed the purple in Ravenna, and intended to be crowned in that
city, but changed his purpose and was proceeding to Rome for his coronation when he was killed (see
Hartmann, II, I, 202, 203).
Chapter XXXV.
Also at this time king Agilulf sent his secretary Stablicianus to Constantinople to the emperor Focas, and
when he returned with the ambassadors of the emperor, peace was made for a year, and the ambassadors
presented to king Agilulf imperial gifts. [1]
[1] This is the first instance of direct negotiations between the Langobards and Constantinople. Prior to
this a truce had been made on several occasions with the exarch. These "imperial gifts" were probably in
the nature of a tribute (Hartmann, II, I, 198).
Chapter XXXVI.
Focas then, as has been already set forth, usurped the sovereignty of the Romans after the death of
Maurice and his sons, and reigned during the course of eight years. Because the church of Constantinople
was calling itself in writing the first of all churches, he ordained, at the request of Pope Boniface, [1] that
the See of the Roman and Apostolic Church should be the head of all. He commanded, at the request of
another pope Boniface, [2] that the Church of the Ever-blessed Virgin Mary and of all the Martyrs should
be established in the old temple which was called the Pantheon, after all the uncleannesses of idolatry
had been removed, so that where formerly the worship, not of all the gods, but of all the devils was
performed, there at last there should be a memorial of all the saints. At this time the Prasini and the
Veneti [3] carried on a civil war throughout the East and Egypt and destroyed each other with mutual
slaughter. The Persians also waged a very severe war against the empire, took away many provinces of
the Romans, including Jerusalem itself, [4] and destroying churches and profaning holy things they
carried off among the ornaments of places sacred and secular, even the banner of the cross of Christ.
Heraclian, who was governing Africa, rebelled against this Focas and coming with his army, deprived
him of his sovereignty and his life, and Heraclius, the son of Heraclian, undertook the government of the
Roman state. [5]
[1] Boniface III, A. D. 606, 607 (Abel).
[2] 'Boniface IV, A. D. 607-615 (Abel).
[3] So called from the colors of the contestants in the circus. At first a chariot race was a contest of two
chariots with drivers in white and red liveries. Two additional colors, a light green 'prasinus') and a
cerulean blue ('venetus' = caerulceus, "the sky reflected in the sea ") were afterwards introduced. The
four factions soon acquired a legal establishment and their fanciful colors typified the various
appearances of nature in the four seasons, or according to another interpretation, the struggle of the green
and blue represented the conflict of the earth and sea. These contests disturbed the spectacles in the
circus of imperial Rome and later, raged with redoubled fury in the hippodrome of Constantinople.
Under Anastasius the Greens massacred at a solemn festival three thousand of the opposite faction. The
Blues, favored by Justinian I, were the authors of widespread disorders and outrages at the capital, and in
532 a sedition called that of Nika was excited by the mutual hatred and momentary reconciliation of
these factions, in which many of the most important buildings of the city were consumed, some thirty
thousand persons slain, and the reign of Justinian himself was brought to the brink of destruction. The
hippodrome closed for a time, but when it was opened again the disorders were renewed, (Gibbon, ch.
40,) and the text shows how widespread were the disturbances some three-quarters of a century later.
[4] This actually occurred later (A.D. 614) under Heraclius (Giansevero).
[5] A.D. 610 (Hartmann, II, I, 200).
Chapter XXXVII.
About these times the king of the Avars, whom they call Cagan in their language, came with a countless
multitude and invaded the territories of Venetia. [1] Gisulf the duke of Forum Julii (Friuli) boldly came
to meet him with all the Langobards he could get, but although he waged war with a few against an
immense multitude with indomitable courage, nevertheless, he was surrounded on every side, and killed
with nearly all his followers. The wife of this Gisulf, by name Romilda, together with the Langobards
who had escaped and with the wives and children of those who had perished in war, fortified herself [2]
within the enclosures of the walls of the fortress of Forum Julii (Cividale). She had two sons, Taso and
Cacco, who were already growing youths, and Raduald and Grimuald, who were still in the age of
boyhood. And she had also four daughters, of whom one was called Appa and another Gaila, but of two
we do not preserve the names. The Langobards had also fortified themselves in other fortresses which
were near these, that is, in Cormones (Cormons), Nemas (Nimis), Osopus (Ossopo), [3] Artenia
(Artegna), [4] Reunia (Ragogna), Glemona (Gemona), [5] and also in Ibligis (Iplis) [6] whose position
was in every way impregnable. Also in the same way they fortified themselves in the remaining castles,
so that they should not become the prey of the Huns, that is, of the Avars. But the Avars, roaming
through all the territories of Forum Julii, devastating everything with burnings and plunderings, shut up
by siege the town of Forum Julii and strove with all their might to capture it. While their king, that is the
Cagan, was ranging around the walls in full armor with a great company of horsemen to find out from
what side he might more easily capture the city, Romilda gazed upon him from the walls, and when she
beheld him in the bloom of his youth, the abominable harlot was seized with desire for him and
straightway sent word to him by a messenger that if he would take her in marriage she would deliver to
him the city with all who were in it. The barbarian king, hearing this, promised her with wicked cunning
that he would do what she had enjoined and vowed to take her in marriage. She then without delay
opened the gates of the fortress of Forum Julii and let in the enemy to her own ruin and that of all who
were there. The Avars indeed with their king, having entered Forum Julii, laid waste with their
plunderings everything they could discover, consumed in flames the city itself, and carried away as
captives everybody they found, falsely promising them, however, to settle them in the territories of
Pannonia, from which they had come. When on their return to their country they had come to the plain
they called Sacred, [7] they decreed that all the Langobards who had attained full age should perish by
the sword, and they divided the women and children in the lot of captivity. But Taso and Cacco and
Raduald, the sons of Gisulf and Romilda, when they knew the evil intention of the Avars, straightway
mounted their horses and took flight. One of them when he thought that his brother Grimoald, a little
boy, could not keep himself upon a running horse, since he was so small, considered it better that he
should perish by the sword than bear the yoke of captivity, and wanted to kill him. When therefore, he
lifted his lance to pierce him through, the boy wept and cried out, saying: "Do not strike me for I can
keep on a horse." And his brother, seizing him by the arm, put him upon the bare back of a horse and
urged him to stay there if he could; and the boy, taking the rein of the horse in his hand, followed his
fleeing brothers. The Avars, when they learned this, mounted their horses and followed them, but
although the others escaped by swift flight, the little boy Grimoald was taken by one of those who had
run up most swiftly. His captor, however, did not deign to strike him with the sword on account of his
slender age, but rather kept him to be his servant. And returning to the camp, he took hold of the bridle of
the horse and led the boy away, and exulted over so noble a booty - for he was a little fellow of elegant
form with gleaming eyes and covered with long blonde hair - and when the boy grieved that he was
carried away as a captive,
"Pondering mighty thoughts within his diminutive bosom", [8]
he took out of the scabbard a sword, such as he was able to carry at that age, and struck the Avar who
was leading him, with what little strength he could, on the top of the head. Straightway the blow passed
through to the skull and the enemy was thrown from his horse. And the boy Grimoald turned his own
horse around and took flight, greatly rejoicing, and at last joined his brothers and gave them incalculable
joy by his escape and by announcing, moreover, the destruction of his enemy. The Avars now killed by
the sword all the Langobards who were already of the age of manhood, but the women and children they
consigned to the yoke of captivity. Romilda indeed, who had been the head of all this evil-doing, the king
of the Avars, on account of his oath, kept for one night as if in marriage as he had promised her, but upon
the next he turned her over to twelve Avars, who abused her through the whole night with their lust,
succeeding each other by turns. Afterwards too, ordering a stake to be fixed in the midst of a field, he
commanded her to be impaled upon the point of it, uttering these words, moreover, in reproach: "It is fit
you should have such a husband." Therefore the detestable betrayer of her country who looked out for
her own lust more than for the preservation of her fellow citizens and kindred, perished by such a death.
Her daughters, indeed, did not follow the sensual inclination of their mother, but striving from love of
chastity not to be contaminated by the barbarians, they put the flesh of raw chickens under the band
between their breasts, and this, when putrified by the heat, gave out an evil smell. And the Avars, when
they wanted to touch them, could not endure the stench that they thought was natural to them, but moved
far away from them with cursing, saying that all the Langobard women had a bad smell. By this
stratagem then the noble girls, escaping from the lust of the Avars, not only kept themselves chaste, but
handed down a useful example for preserving chastity if any such thing should happen to women
hereafter. And they were afterwards sold throughout various regions and secured worthy marriages on
account of their noble birth; for one of them is said to have wedded a king of the Alamanni, and another,
a prince of the Bavarians. The topic now requires me to postpone my general history and relate also a
few matters of a private character concerning the genealogy of myself who write these things, and
because the case so demands, I must go back a little earlier in the order of my narrative. At the time when
the nation of the Langobards came from Pannonia to Italy, my great-great-grandfather Leupchis of the
same nation of Langobards came with them in like manner. When he ended his last day after he had lived
some years in Italy, he left five sons begotten by him who were still little boys. That misfortune of
captivity of which we have spoken included these, and they were all carried away as exiles from the
fortress of Forum Julii into the country of the Avars. After they had borne in that region for many years
the misery of bondage, and had already come to the age of manhood, although the four others, whose
names we do not retain, remained in the constraint of captivity, the fifth brother, Lopichis by name, who
was afterwards our great-grand-father, determined (at the inspiration as we believe of the Author of
Mercy) to cast off the yoke of bondage, and to direct his course to Italy, where he had remembered that
the race of the Langobards was settled, and he made an effort to regain the rights of freedom. When he
had gone and betaken himself to flight, carrying only a quiver and bow and a little food for the journey,
and did not at all know whither he was proceeding, a wolf came to him and became the companion of his
journey and his guide. Seeing that it proceeded before him, and often looked behind and stood with him
when he stood, and went ahead when he advanced, he understood that it had been given to him from
heaven to show to him the way, of which he was ignorant. When they had proceeded in this manner for
some days through the solitudes of the mountains, the bread, of which the traveler had had very little,
wholly failed him. While he went on his way fasting, and had already become faint with exhaustion from
hunger, he drew his bow and attempted to kill with his arrow this same wolf so that he could use it for
food. But the wolf, avoiding the stroke that he cast, slipped away from his sight. And he, not knowing
whither to proceed, when this wolf had gone away, and made very weak moreover by the privation of
hunger, now despaired of his life, and throwing himself upon the earth, he went to sleep. And he saw in
his dreams a certain man saying to him the following words: "Arise! why are you sleeping? Take your
way in that direction opposite to which your feet are turned, for there is Italy which you are seeking."
And straightway rising he began to proceed in that direction which he had heard in his dreams, and
without delay he came to a dwelling place of men; for there was a settlement of Slavs in those places.
And when an elderly woman now saw him, she straightway understood that he was a fugitive and
suffering from the privation of hunger. And taking pity upon him, she hid him in her dwelling and
secretly furnished him food, a little at a time, lest she should put an end to his life altogether if she should
give him nourishment to repletion. In fine, she thus supplied him skillfully with food until he was
restored and got his strength. And when she saw that he was now able to pursue his journey, she gave
him provisions and told him in what direction he ought to go. After some days he entered Italy and came
to the house in which he had been born, which was so deserted that not only did it have no roof but it was
full of brambles and thorns. And when he had cut them down he found within the walls a large ash-tree,
and hung his quiver upon it. He was afterwards provided with gifts by his relatives and friends, and
rebuilt his house and took a wife. But he could obtain nothing of the property his father had had, being
now excluded by those who had appropriated it through long and continuous possession. This man, as I
already said before, was my great-grandfather, and he begot my grandfather Arichis, [9] and Arichis, my
father Warnefrit, and Warnefrit, from Theudelinda his wife, begot me, Paul, and my brother Arichis who
was named after my grandfather. [10] These few things having been considered concerning the chain of
my own genealogy, now let us return to the thread of the general history.
[1] The date usually assigned to the Avar invasion is 611, though some place it as early as 602. Phocas
reigned from 602 to 610. If the death of Severus, patriarch of Atjuileia, occurred in 606, the Avar
invasion took place after that date, since Gisulf concurred in the nomination of his successor (Hodgkin,
VI, 51, note). The previous relations between the Langobards and Avars had been of the most friendly
character. There had been treaties of alliance, joint invasions of Istria, injunctions sent by the Avars to
the Franks to keep peace with the Langobards and Agilulf had furnished the Cagan with shipwrights for a
naval expedition against the Eastern empire (IV, 24, 20, supra; Hodgkin, VI, 50, 51).
[2] I insert 'se' after 'muniit'.
[3] On the river Tagliamento (Waitz).
[4] In Carnia (Waitz).
[5] In Friuli (Waitz).
[6] Near Cividale on the way to Cormons (Waitz). According to others, Invilino (Abel).
[7] The Sacred Plain has not been identified (Hodgkin, VI, 53, note 2).
[8] Virgil, Georgics, IV, 83, where it is applied to the soldier bees. In Paul's quotation 'versant' is changed
to 'versans'.
[9] Henry.
[10] Paul has probably omitted some links in his family genealogy. Four generations are very few for the
period between Leupchis who came into Italy with Alboin, 568, and Paul, who was born between 720
and 730. It is remarkable too that Leupchis, a grown man in 568, should leave five little children at the
time of the Avar invasion in 610 (Hodgkin, VI, 58, note l). Book 4
Chapter XXXVIII.
After the death, as we said, of Gisulf, duke of Forum Julii, his sons Taso and Cacco undertook the
government of this dukedom. They possessed in their time the territory of the Slavs which is named
Zeilia (Gail-thal), [1] up to the place which is called Medaria (Windisch Matrei), hence, those same
Slavs, up to the time of duke Ratchis, paid tribute to the dukes of Forum Julii. Gregory the patrician of
the Romans killed these two brothers in the city of Opitergium (Oderzo) by crafty treachery. For he
promised Taso that he would cut his beard, [2] as is the custom, and make him his son, and this Taso,
with Cacco his brother, and some chosen youths came to Gregory fearing no harm. When presently he
had entered Opitergium with his followers, straightway the patrician ordered the gates of the city to be
closed and sent armed soldiers against Taso and his companions. Taso with his followers perceiving this,
boldly prepared for a fight, and when a moment of quiet was given, they bade each other a last farewell,
and scattered hither and thither through the different streets of the city, killing whomsoever they could
find in their way, and while they made a great slaughter of the Romans, they also were slain at last. But
Gregory the patrician, on account of the oath he had given, ordered the head of Taso to be brought to
him, and, perjured though he was, cut off his beard as he had promised. [3]
[1] Hodgkin, VI, 59, note, and Hartmann, II, i, 236. The valley of the Gail in Carinthia and eastern Tyrol.
[2] A ceremony indicating that he whose beard is shaved and whose hair is cut has arrived at the state of
manhood. Thus king Liutprand performed a similar ceremony for the son of Charles Martel (Book VI,
Chap. 53, infra).
[3] Fredegarius (IV, 69) tells a story (which is considered by some to be a variation of this) as to the
murder of Taso, duke of Tuscany, by the patrician Isaac. King Arioald offered Isaac to remit one of the
three hundredweights of gold which the empire paid yearly to the Langobards if he would kill Taso, who
was a rebel (see chap. 49). Isaac invited Taso to Ravenna with a troop of warriors who were prevailed
upon to leave their arms outside the walls, and when they entered the city they were assassinated. The
tribute was accordingly reduced. Soon afterwards Arioald died. As Arioaild reigned from 626 to 636 and
Isaac did not become exarch until 630, this story can not be reconciled with Paul's account of an event
which must have happened many years earlier. Either Fredegarius got hold of an inaccurate version, or
the coincidence of name is accidental and the story relates to some different event (Hodgkin, VI, 59, 60,
note 2; Pabst, 429).
Chapter XXXIX.
When they were thus killed, Grasulf, the brother of Gisulf, was made duke of Forum Julii. [1] But
Radoald and Grimoald, as they were now close to the age of manhood, held it in contempt to live under
the power of their uncle Grasulf, and they embarked in a little boat and came rowing to the territories of
Beneventum. Then hastening to Arichis, duke of the Beneventines, their former preceptor, they were
received by him most kindly and treated by him in the place of sons. In these times, upon the death of
Tassilo, duke of the Bavarians, his son Garibald was conquered by the Slavs at Aguntum (Innichen), and
the territories of the Bavarians were plundered. The Bavarians, however, having recovered their strength,
took away the booty from their foes and drove their enemies from their territories.
[1] De Rubeis (Appendix, p. 63) says this occurred A. D. 616.
Chapter XL.
King Agilulf, indeed, made peace with the emperor for one year, and again for another, and also renewed
a second time the bond of peace with the Franks. In this year, nevertheless, the Slavs grievously
devastated Istria after killing the soldiers who defended it. Also in the following month of March,
Secundus, a servant of Christ of whom we have already often spoken, died at Tridentum (Trent). He
composed a brief history of the deeds of the Langobards up to his time. [1] At that time king Agilulf
again made peace with the emperor. In those days Theudepert, king of the Franks, was also killed, and a
very severe battle occurred among them. Gunduald too, the brother of queen Theudelinda, who was duke
in the city of Asta (Asti), died at this time, struck by .an arrow, but no one knew the author of his death.
[1] After the death of Secundus in 612 Paul's source for the history of Trent becomes exhausted and we
hear little more about that duchy.
Chapter XLI.
Then king Agilulf, who was called Ago, after he had reigned twenty-five years, ended his last day, [1]
and his son Adaloald, who was still a boy, was left in the sovereignty with Theudelinda his mother.
Under them the churches were restored and many gifts were bestowed upon the holy places. But when
Adaloald, after he had reigned with his mother ten years, lost his reason and became insane, he was cast
out of the sovereignty, [2] and Arioald was substituted by the Langobards in his place. [3] Concerning
the acts of this king hardly anything has come to our knowledge. [4] About these times the holy
Columban, sprung from the race of Scots, after he had built a monastery in Gaul in the place called
Luxovium (Luxeuil), came into Italy, [5] and was kindly received by the king of the Langobards, and
built a convent in the Cottian Alps which is called Bobium (Bobbio) and is forty miles distant from the
city of Ticinum. [6] In this place also many possessions were bestowed by particular princes and
Langobards, and there was established there a great community of monks.
[1] Probably 615 or 616 (Waitz; Hodgkin, VI, 147, note l).
[2] Fredegarius (Chron. 49) tells the story thus: that Adaloald, upon the advice of one Eusebius, anointed
himself in the bath with some sort of ointment, and afterwards could do nothing except what he was told
by Eusebius; that he was thus persuaded to order all the chief persons and nobles of the Langobards to be
killed, and upon their death to surrender, with all his people to the empire; that when he had put twelve to
death without their fault, the rest conspired to raise Arioald, duke of Turin, who had married Gundiperga,
the sister of Adaloald, to the throne; that Adaloald took poison and died and Arioald straightway took
possession of the kingdom. Possibly the zeal of Theudelinda and Adaloald for the Catholic faith may
have provoked a reaction among the Langobards, who had been Arians, and they may have become
dissatisfied with the conciliatory policy toward the empire which was characteristic of the Bavarian line
of sovereigns descended from Theudelinda. The legend of Eusebius was perhaps an expression of this
dissatisfaction. Adaloald's successor was certainly an Arian. We have already seen (ch. 34, note, supra)
that during Adaloald's time Eleutherius the exarch defeated John of Compsa who had revolted and taken
possession of Naples, and put him to death. After this revolt the war with the Langobards was renewed
and Sundrar the Langobard general repeatedly defeated the exarch, who finally obtained peace upon
payment of a yearly tribute of five hundredweight of gold (Hodgkin, VI, 154, 155). We have also seen
that Eleutherius afterwards aspired to independent sovereignty and was killed (IV, 34, supra), though
Paul incorrectly places these occurrences during the reign of Agilulf. In 625 Pope Honorius I addressed a
letter to Isaac the new exarch saying that some bishops beyond the Po had urged one Peter, who seems to
have been a layman high in office, not to follow the Catholic Adaloald, but the tyrant Ariopalt (Arioald)
(Hodgkin, VI, 158) ; since the crime of the bishops was odious, the pope asked the exarch to send them
to Rome for punishment as soon as Adaloald was restored to his kingdom. This contest between
Adaloald and his successor probably occurred between 624 and 626 (Hodgkin, VI, 160), and it would
seem that Adaloald had taken refuge with the exarch in Ravenna from which Wiese (p. 284) infers that
his death may have been by order of Isaac to avoid complications with the Langobards. We do not learn
what part Theudelinda took in this contest. She died February 22nd, 628, shortly after the death of
Adaloald (Hodgkin VI, 160).
[3] Probably A. U. 626 (Hodgkin, VI, 161).
[4] Fredegarius (IV, 51) tells us that Gundiperga (wife of Arioald and daughter of Agilulf and
Theudelinda) said one day that Adalulf, a nobleman in the king's service, was a man of goodly stature,
and Adalulf hearing this, proposed to her that she should be unfaithful to her marriage vow. She scorned
his proposal whereupon he charged that she had granted a secret interview to Taso duke of Tuscany and
had promised to poison the king and raise Taso to the throne. Upon this Arioald imprisoned her in a
fortress. Two years afterwards Clothar II, king of the Franks, sent ambassadors to Arioald asking why
she had been imprisoned and when the reason was given, one of the ambassadors suggested a trial by
battle to ascertain her guilt or innocence. The duel accordingly took place, Adnlulf was slain by the
queen's champion and she was restored to her royal dignity (Hodgkin, VI, 161—163).
[5] Probably before this time and about A. D. 612 (Giansevero).
[6] St. Columban was born, not in Scotland but in Ireland about 543 and entered a monastery at Bangor
at a period when the Irish monasteries were centers of culture. After some years he set forth to preach the
gospel, first in Britain and then in Gaul. Sigispert, king of Austrasia, the husband of Brunihilde gave him
a ruined village named Anagratis where he established a monastery, but after a while he retired to a cave,
and was so famed for miracles that he drew around him many disciples and found it necessary to
establish another monastery at Luxovium in the domains of Gunthram of Burgundy, now the Vosges. A
third was established near by at Ad Fontanas (Hodgkin VI, 110, 113). Afterwards he incurred the enmity
of Brunihilde and her grandson Theuderic of Burgundy (pp. 121—123) and was expelled from that
kingdom. Under the protection of Theudepert of Austrasia he found a retreat at Bregenz on the Lake of
Constance (p. 126) where he put an end to the worship of heathen gods, which had been practiced in the
neighborhood. Upon Theudepert's death, which the saint had foretold, he betook himself to Italy where
he was received with honor by Agilulf and Theudelinda (p. 131). He remained some months at Milan at
the royal court and argued there with Arian ecclesiastics, until a certain Jocundus came to king Agilulf
and spoke of the advantages for a monastic life offered by the village of Bobium on the Trebia among the
Apennines (p. 132). Columban retired thither and there built the monastery which became an important
instrument in converting the Langobards from Arianism, and in the spread of Roman culture among that
people (Hartmann II, 2, 25). He was a man of great learning. He aided Theudelinda in her conflicts with
Arianism, but he also became an adherent of the schismatics in the controversy of the Three Chapters,
and Theudelinda used him in defending their cause, which he did in a long letter to Pope Boniface IV,
the third successor of Gregory the Great. Agilulf desired to heal the schism and Columban states in his
letter that the king was reported to have said that he too would believe the Catholic faith if he could know
the certainty of the matter! Columban died in 615, the same year as Agilulf (Hodgkin, VI, 138-147). Book 4
Chapter XLII.
Then Arioald, after he had held the sovereignty over the Langobards twelve years, departed this life, and
Rothari [1] of the race of Arodus, received the kingdom of the Langobards. [2] And he was brave and
strong, and followed the path of justice;[3] he did not, however, hold the right line of Christian belief, but
was stained by the infidelity of the Arian heresy. [4] The Arians, indeed, say to their own ruin that the
Son is less than the Father, and the Holy Spirit also is less than the Father and the Son. But we Catholics
confess that the Father and Son and Holy Spirit are one and the true God in three persons, equal in power
and the same in glory. In this time there were two bishops throughout almost all the cities [5] of the
kingdom, one a Catholic and the other an Arian. In the city of Ticinum too there is shown, down to the
present time, the place where the Arian bishop, who had his seat at the church of St. Eusebius, had a
baptistery, while another bishop sat in the Catholic church. Yet this Ariari bishop, who was in the same
city, Anastasius by name, became converted to the Catholic faith and afterwards governed the church of
Christ. This king Rothari collected, in a series of writings, the laws of the Langobards which they were
keeping in memory only and custom, [6] and he directed this code to be called the Edict. It was now
indeed the seventy-seventh year from the time when the Langobards had come into Italy, as that king
bore witness in a prologue to his Edict. [7] To this king, Arichis, the duke of Beneventum sent his son
Aio. And when the latter had come to Ravenna on his way to Ticinum, such a drink was there given him
by the malice of the Romans that it made him lose his reason, and from that time he was never of full and
sound mind.[8]
[1] Hartmann (II, I, 235) considers that in this reckoning, the time is probably included in which Arioald
was in insurrection against Adaloald. Rothari ascended the throne in 636 (Waitz).
[2] Fredegarius relates that after the death of Arioald his widow Gundiperga was asked, as Theudelinda
had been, to choose his successor; that her choice fell upon Rothari, whom she invited to put away his
wife and marry her, which he did, but afterwards confined her in one little room in the palace, while he
lived with his concubines; that after five years' seclusion the Frankish king Clovis II interceded and she
was restored to her queenly dignities (Hodgkin, VI, 165, 166). This story sounds like a repetition of the
account of Gundiperga's disgrace during the reign of her first husband. It would seem that Rothari's
marriage to Gundiperga, like that of Agilulf to Theudelinda was to add a certain claim of legitimacy to
his pretensions to the throne and perhaps the fact that he was an Arian and his wife a Catholic led to the
story above related (Hartmann, II, I, 239, 240).
[3] Fredegarius relates (Chron. 71) that at the beginning of his reign he put to death many insubordinate
nobles and that in his efforts for peace he maintained very strict discipline (Pabst, 430, note 3).
[4] With the exception of Adaloald, all the kings of the Langobards up to this time had been Arians
though their religious convictions were not strong, and they were net generally intolerant (Hodgkin VI,
144, 145). The beliefs of the invaders under Alboin were somewhat heterogeneous. Some of his
followers were probably still tinctured with the remnants of heathenism, most of them were Arians, while
the Noricans and Pannor.ians who accompanied him to Italy (II, 26 supra) were Catholics (Hegel,
Stadteverfassung von Italien I, Ch. 3, p. 364). The conversion of the Langobards to the Catholic faith was
promoted by their intermarriage with Roman wives. Theudelinda, who was a Catholic, had done much to
further it. Even as early as the time of Gregory the Great there were Catholic bishops under the
Langobards (id., p. 363).
[5] This is doubtful. Paul knew of some Arian bishops and doubtless he presumed, erroneously, the
presence of Catholic bishops in the same places (Hartmann II, i, 278),
[6] Compare this with the Chronicon Gothanum, (M. G., LLIV, p.641) "Rothari reigned sixteen years
and by him law and justice began with the Langobards and the judges first went through them in writing.
For previously lawsuits were decided by custom, ('cadarfada') discretion and usage." Rothari's Edict was
published Nov. 22d, 643. It was composed of 388 chapters. Although written in Latin, the greater part of
this Edict was of purely Langobard origin. By this code the man who conspired against the king or
deserted his comrades in battle must suffer death, but those accused of a capital offense might appeal to
the wager of battle. If freemen conspired and accomplished the death of another they were to compound
for the murder according to the rank of the person slain (Hodgkin, VI, 175 to 179). If any one should
"place himself in the way" of a free woman or girl or injure her he must pay nine hundred solidi (540
pounds sterling). If any one should "place himself in the way " of a free man he must pay him twenty
solidi, if he had not done him any bodily injury. These provisions indicated the high estimation in which
the free women were held. If any one should ''place himself in the way'' of another man's slave or handmaid or 'aldius' (half-free) he must pay twenty solidi to his lord. Bodily injuries were all catalogued, each
of the teeth, fingers and toes being specially named and the price fixed for each. Many laws dealt
specially with injuries to an aldius or to a household slave. These were not equivalent terms and it is
generally believed that the vanquished Roman population were included in the first. A still lower class
were the plantation slaves (Hodgkin, VI, 180-189). In the laws of succession, provision was made for
illegitimate as well as legitimate children, though less in amount. No father could disinherit his son
except for certain grievous crimes. Donations of property were made in the presence of the 'thing', an
assembly of at least a few freemen, a survival of the folk-thing of the ancient Germans, from which
comes the Latinized word 'thingare', to grant or donate, and one of the laws of Rothari provides that, if a
man shall wish to "thing away '' his property to another, he must make the 'gairethinx' (spear donation),
not secretly, but before freemen. The Langobard women always remained under some form of
guardianship (pp.193 - 107). If a man should commit an immorality with a female slave ''belonging to the
nations'' he must pay her lord twenty solidi, if with a Roman, twelve solidi, the Roman bond-woman
being of less value than the slave of Teutonic or other origin. This is the only reference to Romans as
such in Rothari's laws. If a slave or aldius married a free Langobard woman, her relatives had a right to
slay her or sell her and divide her substance. No slave or aldius could sell properly without the consent of
his master or patron. Slaves might be emancipated in various ways, but there were severe laws for the
pursuit and restoration of fugitives (pp.204—211). In Judicial procedure, a system of compurgation
prevailed as well as the wager of battle (pp. 224-230). Rothari's code was rude and barbarous to the last
degree as compared with the elaborate system of Roman jurisprudence embodied in the laws of Justinian,
under which the population of Italy had been living prior to the Langobard conquest. In Rothari's laws,
although the rights of the clan, so important during the migration of the Langobards, became more and
more subordinated to the rights of the state (Hartmann, II, 2, 11), the authority of the family still
continued to be recognized as an important feature. The general assembly of freemen continued to add
solemnity to important popular acts, such as the enactment of new laws or the selection of a king,
although it was now manifestly impossible that such an assembly should consist, as in earlier times, of all
those capable of bearing arms (id., pp. 12—13). Villari (Le Invasioni Barbariche in Italia, p. 310) insists
that the indirect action of Roman jurisprudence appears in Rothari's laws, not only in the Latin language
in which they were written, in some Justinian-like phrases, and in an arrangement to some extent
systematical, but also in certain provisions which he thinks cannot be of Germanic origin. He adds (p.
311) that it cannot be conceived how the Langobards could have destroyed a system of jurisprudence
established for centuries which had created among the conquered Italians a number of legal relations
unknown to their conquerors so that the laws of the latter could not provide for them, nor how Roman
law could be destroyed and afterwards reappear in Langobard Italy, without any account of its
disappearance and reappearance in documents or chronicles. He concludes that although not officially
recognized, it was allowed to live under the form of custom, in many of the private relations that existed
among the conquered Italians. This view is confirmed by the 204th law of Rothari which, speaking of
"any free woman living according to the law of the Langobards,'' would indicate that there were others
not living according to that law. Moreover it was declared (Hodgkin, VI, 231) that foreigners who came
to settle in the land ought to live according to the laws of the Langobards unless they obtained from the
king the right to live according to some other law. Villari also sees (p. 312) evidences of the persistency
of Roman law in the subsequent legislation of Liutprand providing that if a Langobard, after having
children, should become a churchman, they should continue to live subject to the law under which he had
lived before becoming a churchman. This would indicate that after becoming a churchman, the father
lived under another law, which must have been the Roman law. Villari (p. 329) also sees elsewhere in
Liutprand's legislation evidences of canonical law.
[7] Rothari says the seventy-sixth year (Edicti Codices M. G. LL., IV, p. I.) As to this, see note to I, 21,
note 3, pp. 39, 40, supra; as to the so-called prologue, see Appendix, II, A. I.
[8] His intercourse with the Romans, as in the case of Adaloald, seems to have led to insanity. Was this
the Langobard idea of the effect of contact with Roman luxury and civilization upon the princes of their
race?
Chapter XLIII.
Therefore when duke Arichis, the father of him of whom we have spoken, was now ripe in years and
nearing his last day, knowing that his son Aio was not of right mind, he commended Radoald and
Grimoald [1] now in the flower of their youth, as if they were his own sons, to the Langobards who were
present, and said to them that these two could rule them better than could Aio his son.
[1] I follow here and in other places the spelling of Waitz's text which is not uniform.
Chapter XLIV.
Then on the death of Arichis, who had held the dukedom fifty years, Aio, his son, was made leader of the
Samnites, [1] and still Radoald and Grimoald [2] obeyed him in all things as their elder brother and lord.
When this Aio had already governed the dukedom of Beneventum a year and five months, the Slavs
came with a great number of ships and set up their camp not far from the city of Sipontum (Siponto).
They made hidden pit-falls around their camp and when Aio came upon them in the absence of Raduald
and Grimoald and attempted to conquer them, his horse fell into one of these pit-falls, the Slavs rushed
upon him and he was killed with a number of others. When this was announced to Raduald he came
quickly and talked familiarly with these Slavs in their own language, [3] and when in this way he had
lulled them into greater indolence for war, he presently fell upon them, overthrew them with great
slaughter, revenged the death of Aio and compelled those of his enemies who had survived to seek flight
from these territories. [4]
[1] That is the Beneventines. This occurred A. D. 641 (Waitz).
[2] I follow here and in other places the spelling of Waitz's text which is not uniform.
[3] Raduald and Grimoald had been neighbors to the Slavs in the dukedom of Fruili from which they had
come to Beneventum (Waitz).
[4] A.D. 642 (Hartmann, II, 1, 244). Book 4
Chapter XLV.
King Rothari then captured all the cities of the Romans which were situated upon the shore of the sea
from the city of Luna (Luni) in Tuscany up to the boundaries of the Franks. [1] Also he captured and
destroyed Opitergium (Oderzo) [2] a city placed between Tarvisium (Treviso) and Forum Julii
(Cividale). He waged war with the Romans of Ravenna [3] near the river of Emilia which is called the
Scultenna (Panaro). In this war eight thousand fell on the side of the Romans and the remainder took to
flight. At this time a great earthquake occurred at Rome and there was then a great inundation of the
waters. After these things there was a scab disease of such a kind that no one could recognize his own
dead on account of the great swelling and inflammation. [4]
[1] Rothari was a representative of the national, anti-Roman, Arian feeling among the Langobards; so the
peace with the empire was broken and war renewed. He thus rounded out his possessions in the northern
part of the kingdom, and Neustria, the western portion of these dominions, began to be distinguished
from Austria, east of the Adda, which was more immediately subject to the dukes of Trent and Friuli
(Hartmann, II, I, 243).
[2] This destruction was not complete, but twenty-five years later under Grimoald, the place was entirely
annihilated (V, 28, infra).
[3] Who were under the exarch Isaac (Hodgkin, VI, 169).
[4] The earthquake and plague are placed by the Liber Pontificalis in the sixth indiction (617-618), and
incorrectly placed by Paul during the reign of Rothari (636-652) (Jacobi, 54).
Chapter XLVI.
But when duke Raduald, who had managed the dukedom five years, died at Beneventum, Grimuald his
brother became duke and governed the dukedom of the Samnites five and twenty years. From a captive
girl, but one of high birth, however, whose name was Ita, he begot a son Romuald and two daughters.
And since he was a very warlike man and distinguished everywhere, when the Greeks at that time came
to plunder the sanctuary of the holy arch-angel [1] situated upon Mount Garganus (Gargano), Grimuald,
coming upon them with his army, overthrew them with the utmost slaughter.
[1] Michael
Chapter XLVII.
But king Rothari indeed, after he had held the sovereignty sixteen years and four months, departed from
life [1] and left the kingdom of the Langobards to his son Rodoald. When he had been buried near the
church of St. John the Baptist, [2] after some time, a certain man inflamed by wicked cupidity opened his
sepulcher at night and took away whatever he found among the ornaments of his body. St. John
appearing to him in a vision frightened him dreadfully and said to him, "Why did you dare to touch the
body of that man? Although he may not have been of the true faith yet he has commended himself to me.
Because therefore you have presumed to do this thing you will never hereafter have admission into my
church." And so it occurred; for as often soever as he wished to enter the sanctuary of St. John,
straightway his throat would be hit as if by a very powerful boxer and thus stricken, he suddenly fell
down backwards. I speak the truth in Christ; he who saw with his own eyes that very thing done related
this to me. Rodoald then received the kingdom of the Langobards after the death of his father, and united
with himself in marriage Gundiperga the daughter of Agilulf and Theudelinda. [3] This Gundiperga in
imitation of her mother, just as the latter had done in Modicia (Monza), so the former within the city of
Ticinum (Pavia) built a church in honor of St. John the Baptist, which she decorated wonderfully with
gold and silver and draperies and enriched bountifully with particular articles, and in it her body lies
buried. And when she had been accused to her husband of the crime of adultery, her own slave, Carellus
by name, besought the king that he might fight in single combat for the honor of his mistress, with him
who had imputed the crime to the queen. And when he had gone into single combat with that accuser he
overcame him in the presence of the whole people. The queen indeed after this was done, returned to her
former dignity. [4]
[1] A.D. 652 (Hodgkin, VI, 241).
[2] In Modicia (Monza) or possibly in Ticinum (Waitz).
[3] If Fredegarius (Chapters 50, 51, 70) be correct Paul must be mistaken, since Gundiperga was the wife
of king Arioald and after his death, of Rothari, and was now over fifty years old (Waitz).
[4] Hartmann (II, I, 274) believes that Paul relates here the story of the first imprisonment of Gundiperga
given by Fredegarius but has transposed it to a period two decades later (see Ch. 41, note, supra).
Chapter XLVIII.
Rodoald after he had reigned five years [1] and seven days was killed as is said by a certain Langobard
whose wife he had defiled, and Aripert, son of Gundoald, who had been the brother of queen
Theudelinda, followed him in the government of the kingdom, [2] He established at Ticinum a sanctuary
of our Lord and Saviour, which lay outside the western gate that is called Marenca and he decorated it
with various ornaments and enriched it sufficiently with possessions.
[1] Paul should have written here five months instead of five years (Waitz). He probably died about
March, 653 (Hartmann, II, 1, 275).
[2] There is no record of (he events which led to the succession of Aripert, a Catholic of the Bavarian
house and friendly to the Romans, in place of the Arian, anti-Roman dynasty of Rothari (Hartmann, II, 1,
244).
Chapter XLIX.
In these days when the emperor Heraclius had died at Constantinople, [1] his son Heraclones with his
mother Martina received the rights of sovereignty and ruled the empire for two years. And when he
departed from life his brother Constantine, another son of Heraclius, followed in his place and reigned
six months. When he also died his son Constantine rose to the dignity of the sovereignty and held the
imperial power for eight and twenty years.
[1] The death of Heraclius (A. D. 641) is erroneously placed by Paul after the death of Rodoald 653
(Waitz) and after the taking of Oderzo by Rothari (IV, 45, supra). See Simonsfeld's article on Dandolo
(Archivio Veneto, 14, p. 141).
Chapter L.
About these times the wife of the king of the Persians, Cesara by name, on account of her love of the
Christian faith, departed out of Persia in private dress with a few of her faithful followers, and came to
Constantinople. She was honorably received by the emperor and after some days obtained baptism as she
desired and was raised from the sacred font by the empress. [1] When her husband the king of the
Persians heard this, he sent ambassadors to Constantinople to the emperor in order that the latter should
restore to him his wife. When they came to the emperor they reported the words of the king of the
Persians who demanded his queen. The emperor hearing these things and being altogether ignorant of the
affair, returned them an answer saying: "We confess that we know nothing concerning the queen you
seek except that a woman came to us here in the dress of a private person." But the ambassadors
answered saying: "If it please your Imperial Presence we would like to see this woman you speak of,"
and when she had come by command of the emperor, presently the ambassadors looked upon her
attentively, prostrated themselves at her feet and suggested to her with reverence that her husband wanted
her. She replied to them: "Go, take back the answer to your king and lord that unless he also shall so
believe in Christ as I have already believed, he can now no more have me as the partner of his bed." Why
say more? The ambassadors returned to their country and reported again to their king all they had heard.
And he without any delay came peaceably with sixty thousand men to Constantinople to the emperor by
whom he was joyfully received and in a very suitable manner. And he, with the whole of them, believing
in Christ our Lord, was in like manner with all the rest sprinkled [2] with the water of holy baptism and
was raised by the emperor from the font and confirmed in the Catholic faith; and having been honored by
the emperor with many gifts, he took his wife and returned happy and rejoicing to his own country. [3]
About these times upon the death of duke Grasulf at Cividale, Ago undertook the government of the
dukedom of Forum Julii. At Spoletium (Spoleto) also upon the death of Theudelaupus, Atto was made
commander of that city.[4]
[1] That is the empress became her god-mother (Abel).
[2] 'Perfusus' (see DuCange) seems to indicate sprinkling rather than immersion, though the latter was at
this time the more usual form except in the case of those about to die.
[3] This account is wholly fictitious. Chosroes II, although well disposed toward the Christian faith did
not abjure his own (Waitz).
[4] A.D. 653-663 (Hodgkin, VI, 96).
Chapter LI.
Aripert then, after he had ruled at Ticinum for nine years, died, [1] leaving the kingdom to be governed
by his two sons, Perctarit and Godepert who were still of youthful age. [2] And Godepert, indeed, had the
seat of his kingdom at Ticinum, but Perctarit, at the city of Mediolanum. Between these brothers, at the
instigation of evil men, quarrels and the kindling of hatreds arose to such a degree that each attempted to
usurp the royal power of the other. Wherefore Godepert sent Garipald, duke of Turin, to Grimuald, who
was then the enterprising leader of the people of Beneventum, inviting him to come as soon as possible
and bring aid to him against his brother Perctarit, and promising to give him his sister, the daughter of the
king. But the ambassador, acting treacherously against his master, exhorted Grimuald to come and
himself seize the kingdom of the Langobards which the two youthful brothers were dissipating, since he
was ripe in age, prudent in counsel and strong in resources. When Grimuald heard these things he
presently set his mind upon obtaining the kingdom of the Langobards, and having established his son
Romuald as duke of Beneventum, he took his way with a chosen band to proceed to Ticinum, and in all
the cities through which his route lay he drew to himself friends and auxiliaries for getting the kingdom.
He dispatched, indeed, Count Transemund, of Capua, through Spoletium (Spoleto) and Tuscia (Tuscany)
to attach the Langobards of those regions to an alliance with him. Transemund carried out his orders
energetically, and met him on the way in Emilia with many auxiliaries. Therefore when Grimuald had
come near Placentia (Piacenza) with a strong body of men, he dispatched ahead to Ticinum Garipald,
who had been sent as a messenger to him by Godepert, so as to announce his coming to this same
Godepert. And when Garipald came to Godepert he said that Grimuald was quickly approaching. When
Godepert asked him in what place he ought to prepare entertainment for this Grimuald, Garipald
answered as follows: That it was fitting that Grimuald, who had come for his sake and was going to take
his sister in marriage, should have his place of entertainment within the palace. And this also was so
done, for when Grimuald came, he received his lodging within the palace. But this same Garipald, the
sower of the whole wickedness, persuaded Godepert to come and speak with Grimuald only after putting
on a cuirass under his clothing, saying that Grimuald wanted to kill him. Again this same artist in deceit
came to Grimuald and said that unless he equipped himself stoutly Godepert would kill him with his
sword, declaring that Godepert was wearing a cuirass under his clothing when he came to confer with
him. Why say more? When, upon the following day, they had come to conference and Grimuald, after
salutation, had embraced Godepert he immediately perceived that he was wearing a cuirass under his
clothing, and without delay, he unsheathed his sword and deprived him of life, [3] and usurping his
kingdom and all his power, he subjugated it to his dominion. But Godepert then had a son, a little boy,
Raginpert by name, who was carried away by the faithful followers of his father and brought up secretly;
nor did Grimuald care to pursue him since he was still a little child. When Perctarit, who was ruling at
Mediolanum, heard that his brother was killed, he took flight with what speed he could and came to the
Cagan, king of the Avars, leaving behind his wife Rodelinda and a little son named Cunincpert, both of
whom Grimuald sent in exile to Beneventum. When these things had been thus brought to pass, Garipald,
by whose instigation and effort they had been accomplished - and not only had he done these acts, but he
had also committed a fraud in his embassy, since he had not transmitted whole and entire the gifts he
ought to have brought to Beneventum - the performer of such deeds then did not long rejoice. There was,
indeed, in the household of Godepert a little dwarf who came from the city of Turin. When he knew that
duke Garipald, upon the very holy day of Easter would come to pray in the church of St. John, he got up
en the sacred font of the baptistery and held himself by his left hand to a little column supporting the
canopy [4] where Garipald was about to pass, and having drawn his sword he held it under his clothing,
and when Garipald had come near him to pass through, he lifted his garment and struck him on the neck
with his sword with all his might and cut off his head upon the spot. Those who had come with Garipald
fell upon him, killing him with wounds from many blows, but although he died, he still signally avenged
the wrong done to his master Godepert.
[1] A. D. 661 (Hodgkin, VI, 241).
[2] This is the first instance of a divided inheritance of the kingdom, if indeed we can speak of
inheritance at all of a kingdom where the succession varied so greatly as in that of the Langobards.
[3] A. D. 662 (Hodgkin, VI, 243; Hartmann, II, 1, 275).
[4] Tuguriwn, a place shut off and covered from above. See DuCange. The font itself had a roof or cover
supported by small columns.
Book 5
Chapter I.
When therefore Grimuald had been confirmed in the sovereignty [1] at Ticinum, he married not long
afterward king Aripert's daughter who had already been betrothed to him and whose brother Godepert he
had killed. He sent back indeed to their own homes, supplied with many gifts, the army of Beneventines
by whose aid he had acquired the sovereignty. He kept however quite a number of them to dwell with
him, bestowing upon them very extensive possessions.
[1] A D. 662 (Waltz). Grimuald, whose brothers, Taso and Cacco, had been treacherously murdered by
the exarch in Oderzo, represented the national, anti-Roman sentiment of his people and was continually
engaged in wars against the empire.
Chapter II.
When he afterwards learned that Perctarit had gone to Scythia as an exile and was living with the Cagan,
he sent word to this Cagan, king of the Avars, by ambassadors that if he kept Perctarit in his kingdom he
could not thereafter have peace, as he had had hitherto, with the Langobards and with himself. When the
king of the Avars heard this, Perctarit was brought into his presence and he said to him that he might go
in what direction he would, so that the Avars should not incur enmity with the Langobards on his
account. [1] When Perctarit heard these things he went back to Italy to return to Grimuald for he had
heard that he was very merciful. Then when he had come to the city of Lauda [2] (Lodi Vecchio) he sent
ahead of him to king Grimuald, Unulf, a man most faithful to him to announce that Perctarit was
approaching trusting to his protection. When the king heard this he promised faithfully that since
Perctarit came trusting him he should suffer no harm. Meanwhile Perctarit arrived and went forward to
Grimuald, and when he attempted to fall down at his feet, the king graciously held him back and raised
him up to receive his kiss. Perctarit said to him: "I am your servant. Knowing you to be most Christian
and pious, although I can live among the heathen, yet relying upon your mercy I have come to your feet."
And the king with an oath, as he was wont, promised him again saying: "By Him who caused me to be
born, since you have come to me trusting me, you will suffer nothing evil in any way but I will so
provide for you that you can live becomingly." Then offering him a lodging in a spacious house, he bade
him have a rest after the toil of the journey, ordering that food and whatever things were necessary
should be supplied to him bountifully at public expense. But when Perctarit had come to the dwelling
prepared for him by the king, presently throngs of the citizens of Ticinum began to gather around him to
see him and salute him as an old acquaintance. But what cannot an evil tongue interrupt? For presently
certain wicked flatterers coming to the king declared to him that unless he quickly deprived Perctarit of
life, he would himself at once lose his kingdom with his life, asserting that the whole city had gathered
around Perctarit for this purpose. When he heard these things, Grimuald became too credulous and
forgetting what he had promised, he was straightway incited to the murder of the innocent Perctarit and
took counsel in what way he might deprive him of life on the following day, since now the hour was very
late. Finally in the evening he sent to him divers dishes, also special wines and various kinds of drinks so
that he could intoxicate him, to the end that relaxed by much drinking during the night and buried in
wine, he could think nothing of his safety. Then one who had been of his father's train, when he brought
a dish from the king to this Perctarit, put his head under the table as if to salute him and announced to
him secretly that the king was arranging to kill him. And Perctarit straight-way directed his cup-bearer
that he should give him to drink in a silver drinking vessel nothing but a little water. And when those
who brought him drinks of different kinds from the king asked him upon the command of the king to
drink the whole cup, he promised to drink it all in honor of the king, and took a little water from the
silver cup. When the servants announced to the king that he was drinking insatiably, the king merrily
answered : "Let that drunkard drink; but tomorrow he will spill out the same wines mixed with blood."
And Perctarit quickly called Unulf to him and announced to him the design of the king concerning his
death. And Unulf straightway sent a servant to his house to bring him bed clothing [3] and ordered his
couch to be put next to the couch of Perctarit. Without delay king Grimuald directed his attendants that
they should guard the house in which Perctarit was reposing so that he could not escape in any way. And
when supper was finished and all had departed and Perctarit only had remained with Unulf and Perctarit's
valet, [4] who in any case were entirely faithful to him, they disclosed their plan to him and begged him
to flee while the valet would pretend as long as possible that his master was sleeping within that bed
chamber. And when he had promised to do this, Unulf put his own bed clothes and a mattress and a
bear's skin upon the back and neck of Perctarit and began to drive him out of the door according to the
plan, as if he were a slave from the country, offering him many insults, and did not cease moreover to
strike him with a cudgel from above and urge him on, so that driven and struck he often fell to the
ground. And when the attendants of the king who had been put on guard asked that same Unulf why this
was, "That worthless slave," he says, "has put my bed in the chamber of that drunken Perctarit who is so
full of wine that he lies there as if he were dead. But it is enough that I have followed his madness up to
the present time. From now on, during the life of our lord the king, I will stay in my own house." When
they heard these things and believed what they heard to be true, they were delighted, and making way for
the two, they let pass both him and Perctarit, whom they thought was a slave and who had his head
covered that he should not be recognized. And while they were going away, that most faithful valet
bolted the door carefully and remained inside alone. Unulf indeed let Perctarit down by a rope from the
wall at a corner which is on the side of the river Ticinum (Ticino) and collected what companions he
could, and they, having seized some horses they had found in a pasture, proceeded that same night to the
city of Asta (Asti) in which the friends of Perctarit were staying, and those who were still rebels against
Grimuald. Thence Perctarit made his way as quickly as possible to the city of Turin, and afterwards
passed across the boundaries of Italy and came to the country of the Franks. Thus God Almighty by His
merciful arrangement delivered an innocent man from death and kept from offense a king who desired in
his heart to do good.
[1] According to another account Perctarit testified to the good faith of the Cagan who had refused a
whole modius full of gold solidi for his betrayal (Waitz).
[2] The ancient Roman colony Laus Pompeia, a short distance southeast of Milan and northeast of Padua.
[3] According to DuCange 'lectisternia' means the trappings of a bed, cushions, bolster, etc.
[4] 'Vestiarius', he who has charge of one's clothing (DuCange).
Chapter III.
But king Grimuald, indeed, since he thought that Perctarit was sleeping in his lodging, caused a line of
men to stand by on either side from this place of entertainment up to his palace, so that Perctarit might be
led through the midst of them in order that he could not at all escape. And when those sent by the king
had come and called Perctarit to the palace, and knocked at the door where they thought he was sleeping,
the valet who was inside begged them saying: "Have pity with him and let him sleep a little because he is
still wearied by his journey and oppressed by very heavy slumber." And when they had acquiesced, they
announced this thing to the king, that Perctarit was sleeping up to this time in a heavy slumber. Then the
king said: "Last evening he so filled himself with wine that now he cannot waken." He ordered them,
however, to arouse him at once and bring him to the palace. And when they came to the door of the bedroom in which they believed that Perctarit was sleeping, they began to knock more sharply. Then the
valet began to beg them again that they would let this Perctarit still, as it were, sleep a little. And they
cried out in rage that that drunken man had already slept enough. Straightway they broke open the door
of the bedchamber with their heels, entered, and looked for Perctarit in the bed. And when they did not
find him, they supposed he was sitting down to the requirements of nature, and when they did not find
him there, they asked that valet what had become of Perctarit. And he answered them that he had fled.
Furious with rage they beat him, and seized him by the hair and straightway dragged him to the palace.
And conducting him into the presence of the king they said that he was privy to the flight of Perctarit and
therefore most deserving of death. The king directed him to be released and asked him in due order in
what way Perctarit had escaped and he related to the king all the occurrences as they had taken place.
Then the king asked those who were standing around and said: "What do you think of this man who has
committed such things?" Then all answered with one voice that he deserved to die, racked with many
torments, but the king said: "By Him who caused me to be born this man deserves to be treated [1] well,
who for the sake of fidelity to his master did not refuse to give himself up to death." And presently, he
ordered that he should be among his own valets enjoining him to observe toward himself the same
fidelity he had kept to Perctarit and promising to bestow upon him many advantages. And when the king
asked what had become of Unulf, it was announced to him that he had taken refuge in the church of the
Blessed Archangel Michael. And he presently sent to him voluntarily promising that he should suffer no
harm if he would only come and trust him. Unulf indeed, hearing this promise of the king, presently
came to the palace and having fallen at the king's feet, was asked by him how and in what way Perctarit
had been able to escape. But when he had told him everything in order, the king, praising his fidelity and
prudence, graciously conceded to him all his [2] means and whatever he had been able to possess.
[1] Read 'haberi' for 'habere'.
[2] 'Ejus facilitates'. There is doubt whether this refers to the property of Unulf or of Perctarit (Hodgkin,
VI, 251, note 1).
Chapter IV.
And when after some time the king asked Unulf whether he would then like to be with Perctarit, he
answered with an oath that he would rather die with Perctarit than live anywhere else in the greatest
enjoyment. Then the king also called for that valet, asking him whether he would prefer to stay with him
in the palace or to spend his life wandering with Perctarit, and when he had given a like answer with
Unulf, the king took their words kindly, praised their fidelity and directed Unulf to take from his house
whatever he wanted, namely, his servants and his horses and furniture of all kinds and to proceed without
harm to Perctarit. And in like manner also he dismissed that valet, and they, taking away all their goods,
as much as they needed, according to the kindness of the king, set out with the help of the king himself
into the country of the Franks to their beloved Perctarit. Book 5
Chapter V.
At this time an army of the Franks, coming forth from Provincia (Provence), entered into Italy. Grimuald
advanced against them with the Langobards and deceived them by this stratagem: he pretended indeed to
flee from their attack and left his camp with his tents quite clear of men but filled with divers good things
and especially with an abundance of excellent wine. When the troops of the Franks had come thither,
thinking that Grimuald with the Langobards had been terrified by fear and had abandoned their whole
camp, they straightway became merry and eagerly took possession of everything and prepared a very
bountiful supper. And while they reposed, weighed down with the various dishes and with much wine
and sleep, Grimuald rushed upon them after midnight and overthrew them with so great a slaughter that
only a few of them escaped and were able with difficulty to regain their native country. The place where
this battle was fought is called up to this time the Brook of the Franks [1] (Rivoli) [2] and it is not far
distant from the walls of the little city of Asta (Asti).
[1] 'Rivus Francoruv'.
[2] Not the same as the scene of Napoleon's victory.
Chapter VI.
In these days the emperor Constantine who was also called Constans, [1] desiring to pluck Italy out of
the hand of the Langobards, left Constantinople' and taking his way along the coast, came to Athens, and
from there, having crossed the sea, he landed at Tarentum. [2] Previously, however, he went to a certain
hermit who was said to have the spirit of prophecy, and sought eagerly to know from him whether he
could overcome and conquer the nation of the Langobards which was dwelling in Italy. The servant of
God had asked him for the space of one night that he might supplicate the Lord for this thing, and when
morning came he thus answered the emperor: "The people of the Langobards cannot be overcome in any
way, because a certain queen coming from another province has built the church of St. John the Baptist
in the territories of the Langobards, and for this reason St. John himself continually intercedes for the
nation of the Langobards. But a time shall come when this sanctuary will be held in contempt and then
the nation itself shall perish." We have proved that this has so occurred, since we have seen that before
the fall of the Langobards, this same church of St. John which was established in the place called
Modicia (Monza) was managed by vile persons so that this holy spot was bestowed upon the unworthy
and adulterous, not for the merit of their lives, but in the giving of spoils.
[1] Constans II, or more correctly Constantine IV, was born A.D. 631, and became emperor in 642, when
only eleven years old, on the death of his father Constantine III. During his reign the Saracens conquered
Armenia (Hodgkin, VI, 253) and seized Cyprus and Rhodes. He fought in person a naval battle with
them off the coast of Lycia in 655 and was defeated. In his reign the doctrine of the Monotheletes or
those who maintained that there was only one will in the nature of the Saviour, agitated the empire, and
popes and patriarchs wrangled bitterly upon the subject. His grandfather Heraclius had declared in favor
of the Monothelete heresy, even pope Honorius (Hartmann, II, i, 217) at one time acquiesced in it though
he deprecated the strife and desired the church to abide by its ancient formulas. Finally, Constans in 648
when only seventeen years of age issued his Type, forbidding controversy upon both sides. Pope Martin
I, whose appointment lacked the confirmation of the emperor and who was regarded by the latter as a
usurper, convened in 649, a council in the Lateran palace and anathematized the Type and its defenders
(Hodgkin, VI, 255, 256). Constans regarded these proceedings as acts of rebellion and sent his
chamberlain Olympius as exarch to Italy in 649 with directions to secure the acceptance of the Type and
if possible to bring pope Martin a prisoner to Constantinople; but the exarch found public opinion and the
disposition of the army so adverse that he was compelled to renounce the project, and soon afterwards
became the ally of the Pope and the Italians (Hartmann, II, I, 227), and with their support assumed
independent authority and led an army in Sicily against the Saracens where he died in 652 (id., p. 228).
These acts were naturally regarded as an insurrection against the empire, and upon his death Constans
sent Calliopas to Italy as exarch, who in June, 653, coming to Rome with the army from Ravenna, seized
the Pope, who had taken refuge in the Lateran basilica, declared his deposition and sent him as a prisoner
to Constantinople, where he arrived after long delays, was tried for treason, insulted, forced to stand as a
public spectacle in the Hippodrome, was loaded with irons, immured in a dungeon and sentenced to
death, but this was commuted to banishment in the Crimea. There he languished and died in 655
(Hodgkin, VI, 259-268). He was succeeded by Eugenius (A. D. 657) who was chosen Pope while Martin
was still alive and Eugenius was followed by Vitalian (A.D. 657-672), who lived on terms of
accommodation with the emperor, although there is no evidence that he abjured the doctrines of his
predecessors (Hartmann, II, i, 232, 233). It was under Vualian that Constans' visit to Italy described in
this chapter occurred.
[2] A.D. 662 (Hodgkin, VI, 270).
[3] A.D. 663 (Hodgkin, VI, 271).
Chapter VII.
Therefore after the emperor Constans, as we said, had come to Tarentum, he departed therefrom and
invaded the territories of the Beneventines and took almost all the cities of the Langobards through which
he passed. He also attacked bravely and took by storm Luceria, a rich city of Apulia, destroyed it and
leveled it to the ground. Agerentia [1] (Acerenza), however, he could not at all take on account of the
highly fortified position of the place. Thereupon he surrounded Beneventum with all his army and began
to reduce it energetically. At that time Romuald, the son of Grimuald, still a young man, held the
dukedom there and as soon as he learned of the approach of the emperor, he sent his tutor, Sesuald by
name, to his father Grimuald on the other side of the Padus (Po) begging him to come as soon as possible
and strongly reinforce his son and the Beneventines whom he himself had reared. When king Grimuald
heard this he straightway started to go with an army to Beneventum to bring aid to his son. Many of the
Langobards left him on the way and returned home saying that he had despoiled the palace and was now
going back to Beneventum not to return. Meanwhile the army of the emperor was assaulting Beneventum
vigorously with various machines of war and on the other hand Romuald with his Langobards was
resisting bravely, and although he did not dare to engage hand to hand with so great a multitude on
account of the smallness of his army, yet frequently dashing into the camp of the enemy with young men
sent out for that purpose, he inflicted upon them great slaughter upon every side. And while Grimuald his
father was now hastening on, he sent to his son to announce his approach, that same tutor of his of whom
we have spoken. And when the latter had come near Beneventum he was captured by the Greeks and
brought to the emperor, who asked of him whence he had come, and he said he had come from King
Grimuald and he announced the speedy approach of that king. Straightway the emperor, greatly alarmed,
took counsel with his followers in what way he could make a treaty with Romuald so as to return to
Naples.
[1] A fortress on one of the outlying buttresses of Monte Vulture (Hodgkin, VI, 273).
Chapter VIII.
After he had taken as a hostage the sister of Romuald whose name was Gisa, he made peace with him.
He ordered the tutor Sesuald indeed to be led to the walls, threatening death to him if he should announce
anything to Romuald or the people of the city concerning the approach of Grimuald, and (demanding)
that he should rather declare that the king could not come. He promised that he would do this, as was
enjoined upon him, but when he had come near the walls he said he wanted to see Romuald. And when
Romuald had quickly come thither he thus spoke to him: " Be steadfast, master Romuald, have
confidence and do not be disturbed since your father will quickly come to give you aid. For know that he
is stopping this night near the river Sangrus (Sangro) [1] with a strong army. Only I beseech you to have
pity on my wife and children since this faithless race will not suffer me to live." When he had said this,
his head was cut off by command of the emperor and thrown into the city by an instrument of war which
they call a stone-thrower. [2] This head Romuald ordered brought to him and kissed it weeping and
commanded that it should be buried in a suitable casket. [3]
[1] In the present province of Abruzzi (Waitz), about fifty miles from Benevento.
[2] 'Petraria'.
[3] All this as well as the two following chapters, seems inconsistent with the peace with Romuald
mentioned in the first sentence of this chapter. Waitz suggests that possibly the peace was made after the
incidents concerning Sesuald. - Possibly Paul combined in his history accounts taken from two
contradictory sources.
Chapter IX.
Then the emperor, fearing the sudden approach of king Grimuald, broke up the siege of Beneventum and
set out for Neapolis (Naples). Mitola, however, the Count of Capua, forcibly defeated his army near the
river Calor (Calore), in the place which up to the present time is called Pugna (the fight).[1]
[1] The Calore flows a little east of Benevento. Camiilus Peregrinius believes that the river Sabatus
(Sabato) is intended, which flows close to Beneventum, and near which Peter the Deacon recognizes this
place called Pugna (Waitz).
Chapter X.
After the emperor came to Naples it is said that one of his chief men, whose name was Saburrus, asked
for twenty thousand soldiers from his sovereign, and pledged himself to fight against Romuald, and win
the victory. And when he had received the troops and had come to a place whose name is Forinus
(Forino) [2] and had set up his camp there, Grimuald, who had already come to Beneventum, when he
heard these things, wanted to set out against him. His son Romuald said to him: "There is no need, but do
you turn over to me only a part of your army. With God's favor I will fight with him, and when I shall
have conquered him a greater glory, indeed, will be ascribed of your power." It was done, and when he
had received some part of his father's army, he set out with his own men likewise against Saburrus.
Before he began the battle with him he ordered the trumpets to sound on four sides, and immediately he
rushed daringly upon them. And while both lines were fighting with great obstinacy, a man from the
king's army named Amalong, who had been accustomed to carry the royal pike, taking this pike in both
hands struck violently with it a certain little Greek and lifted him from the saddle on which he was riding
and raised him in the air over his head. When the army of the Greeks saw this, it was terrified by
boundless fear and at once betook itself to flight, and overwhelmed with the utmost disaster, in fleeing it
brought death upon itself and victory to Romuald and the Langobards. Thus Saburrus, who had promised
that he would achieve for his emperor a trophy of victory from the Langobards, returned to him with a
few men only and came off with disgrace; but Romuald, when the victory was obtained from the enemy,
returned in triumph to Beneventum and brought joy to his father and safety to all, now that the fear of the
enemy was taken away.
[1] Between Avellino and Nocera (Waitz), about twenty-five miles east of Naples.
Book 5
Chapter XI.
But the emperor Constans, when he found that he could accomplish nothing against the Langobards,
directed all the threats of his cruelty against his own followers, that is, the Romans. He left Naples and
proceeded to Rome. [1] At the sixth mile-stone from the city, pope Vitalian came to meet him with his
priests and the Roman people. [2] And when the emperor had come to the threshold of St. Peter he
offered there a pallium woven with gold; and remaining at Rome twelve days he pulled down everything
that in ancient times had been made of metal for the ornament of the city, to such an extent that he even
stripped off the roof of the church of the blessed Mary which at one time was called the Pantheon, and
had been founded in honor of all the gods and was now by the consent of the former rulers the place of
all the martyrs; and he took away from there the bronze tiles and sent them with all the other ornaments
to Constantinople. Then the emperor returned to Naples, and proceeded by the land route to the city of
Regium (Reggio) ; and having entered Sicily [3] during the seventh indiction [4] he dwelt in Syracuse
and put such afflictions upon the people—the inhabitants and land owners of Calabria, Sicily, Africa, and
Sardinia - as were never heard of before, so that even wives were separated from their husbands and
children from their parents. [5] The people of these regions also endured many other and unheard of
things so that the hope of life did not remain to any one. For even the sacred vessels and the treasures of
the holy churches of God were carried away by the imperial command and by the avarice of the Greeks.
And the emperor remained in Sicily from the seventh to the twelfth [6] indiction, [7] but at last he
suffered the punishment of such great iniquities and while he was in the bath he was put to death by his
own servants.[8]
[1] July 5, 663. No emperor had visited Rome for nearly two centuries (Hodgkin VI, 276).
[2] The relations between the emperor Constans and the popes had been decidedly strained on account of
the Monothelete controversy (see note to Chap. 6, supra).
[3] His purpose was to use Sicily as a base of operations against the Saracens in Africa (Ilodgkin VI,
280).
[4] Commencing September, 663.
[5] Sold into slavery to satisfy the demands of the tax gatherers (Hodgkin VI, 280).
[6] An error. This should be eleventh indiction. He was killed July 15, 668 (Hodgkin VI, 281, note 2).
[7] In Sicily he decreed the independence of the bishopric of Ravenna from that of Rome, thus
attempting to create two heads of the church in Italy, a severe blow to the papacy (Hartmann II, 1, 250,
251), a measure which, however, was revoked after his death.
[8] His valet Andreas struck him with a soap box (Hodgkin VI, 281).
Chapter XII.
When the emperor Constantine was killed at Syracuse, Mecetius (Mezezius) seized the sovereignty in
Sicily, but without the consent of the army of the East. [1] The soldiers of Italy, others throughout Istria,
others through the territories of Campania and others from the regions of Africa and Sardinia came to
Syracuse against him and deprived him of life. And many of his judges were brought to Constantinople
beheaded and with them in like manner the head of the false emperor was also carried off.
[1] Paul seems to have misunderstood the Liber Pontificalis (Adeodatus) from which he took this
passage, which reads: "Mezezius who was in Sicily with the army of the East, rebelled and seized the
sovereignty."
Chapter XIII.
The nation of the Saracens that had already spread through Alexandria and Egypt, hearing these things,
came suddenly with many ships, invaded Sicily, entered Syracuse and made a great slaughter of the
people - a few only escaping with difficulty who had fled to the strongest fortresses and the mountain
ranges - and they carried off also great booty and all that art work in brass and different materials which
the emperor Constantine had taken away from Rome; and thus they returned to Alexandria.
Chapter XIV.
Moreover the daughter of the king, who we said had been carried away from Beneventum as a hostage
[1] came to Sicily and ended her last days.
[1] See Chapter 8 supra.
Chapter XV.
At this time there were such great rain storms and such thunders as no man had remembered before, so
that countless thousands of men and animals were killed by strokes of lightning. In this year the pulse
which could not be gathered on account of the rains grew again and was brought to maturity.[1]
[1] These events are placed by the Liber Pontificalis in the year of the death of Pope Adeodatus (672)
(Jacobi, 54, 55).
Chapter XVI.
But king Grimuald indeed, when the Beneventines and their provinces had been delivered from the
Greeks, determined to return to his palace at Ticinum, and to Transamund, who had formerly been count
of Capua and had served him most actively in acquiring the kingdom, he gave his daughter, another sister
of Romuald in marriage, and made him duke of Spoletium (Spoleto) after Atto of whom we have spoken
above.[1]
[1] Then he returned to Ticinum, IV, 50 supra.
Chapter XVII.
When indeed Grasulf, duke of the Friulans died, as we mentioned before, Ago was appointed his
successor in the dukedom; [1] and from his name a certain house situated within Forum Julii (Cividale) is
called Ago's House up to this day. When this Ago had died, Lupus was made commander of the Friulans.
[2] This Lupus entered into the island of Gradus (Grado) which is not far from Aquileia, with an army of
horsemen over a stone highway which had been made in old times through the sea, and having plundered
that city, he removed from thence and carried back the treasures of the church of Aquileia. When
Grimuald set out for Beneventum, he intrusted his palace to Lupus.
[1] The date is uncertain. De Rubeis says 661, Hodgkin thinks about 645 (VI, 285).
[2] A.D. 663 according to De Rubeis, about 660 according to Hodgkin (VI, 285).
Chapter XVIII.
Since this Lupus had acted very insolently at Ticinum in the king's absence, [1] because he did not think
he would return, when the king did come back, Lupus, knowing that the things he had not done rightly
were displeasing to him, repaired to Forum Julii and, conscious of his own wickedness, rebelled against
this king.
[1] That is when he went to the relief of Romuald who was besieged at Benevento by Constans.
Chapter XIX.
Then Grimuald, unwilling to stir up civil war among the Langobards, sent word to the Cagan, king of the
Avars, to come into Forum Julii with his army against duke, Lupus and defeat him in war. And this was
done. For the Cagan came with a great army, and in the place which is called Flovius, [1] as the older
men who were in that war have related to us, during three days duke Lupus with the Friulans fought
against the Cagan's army. On the first day indeed he defeated that strong army, very few of his own men
being wounded; on the second day he killed in like manner many of the Avars, but a number of his own
were now wounded and dead; on the third day very many of his own were wounded or killed,
nevertheless he destroyed a great army of the Cagan and took abundant booty; but on the fourth day they
saw so great a multitude coming upon them that they could scarcely escape by flight.
[1] Fluvius Frigidus in the valley of Wippach in the province of Krain (Waltz)—"Cold River below the
pass of the Pear Tree," southeast of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 286, note 1).
Chapter XX.
When duke Lupus then had been killed there, the rest who had remained (alive) fortified themselves in
strongholds. But the Avars, scouring all their territories, plundered or destroyed everything by fire. When
they had done this for some days, word was sent them by Grimuald that they should now rest from their
devastation. But they sent envoys to Grimuald saying that they would by no means give up Forum Julii,
which they had conquered by their own arms. Book 5
Chapter XXI.
Then Grimuald, compelled by necessity, began to collect an army that he might drive the Avars out of his
territories. He set up therefore in the midst of the plain his camp and the place where he lodged the Avar
(ambassadors), and since he had only a slender fragment of his army, he caused those he had to pass
frequently during several days before the eyes of the envoys in different dress and furnished with various
kinds of arms, as if a new army was constantly advancing. The ambassadors of the Avars indeed, when
they saw this same army pass by, first in one way and then in another, believed that the multitude of the
Langobards was immense. And Grimuald thus spoke to them: "With all this multitude of an army which
you have seen I will straightway fall upon the Cagan and the Avars unless they shall quickly depart from
the territories of the Friulans." When the envoys of the Avars had seen and heard these things, and had
repeated them to their king, he presently returned with all his army to his own kingdom.
Chapter XXII.
Finally, after Lupus was killed in this way, as we have related, Arnefrit, his son, sought to obtain the
dukedom at Forum Julii in the place of his father. But fearing the power of king Grimuald, he fled into
Carnuntum, which they corruptly call Carantanum (Carinthia) [1] to the nation of the Slavs, [2] and
afterwards coming with the Slavs as if about to resume the dukedom by their means, he was killed when
the Friulans attacked him at the fortress of Nemae (Nimis), which is not far distant from Forum Julii.[3]
[1] The name given by Paul (Carnuntum), the modern Presburg, is incorrect, Carantanum was the proper
name for Carinthia (Hodgkin, VI, 288, note 1).
[2] These Slavs belonged to the Slovene branch of the Slav race (Hodgkin VI, 288).
[3] About 15 miles northwest of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 288).
Chapter XXIII.
Afterwards Wechtari was appointed duke at Forum Julii. He was born at the city of Vincentia (Vicenza),
was a kind man, and one who ruled his people mildly. When the nation of the Slavs had heard that he had
set out for Ticinum, they collected a strong multitude and determined to attack the fortress of Forum
Julii, and they came and laid out their camp in the place which is called Broxas, [1] not far from Forum
Julii. But it happened according to the Divine will that the evening before, duke Wechtari came back
from Ticinum without the knowledge of the Slavs. While his companions, as is wont to happen, had gone
home, he himself, hearing these tidings concerning the Slavs, advanced with a few men, that is, twentyfive, against them. When the Slavs saw him coming with so few they laughed, saying that the patriarch
was advancing against them with his clergy. When he had come near the bridge of the river Natisio
(Natisone) [2] which was where the Slavs were staying, he took his helmet from his head and showed his
face to them. He was bald-headed, and when the Slavs recognized him that he was Wechtari, they were
immediately alarmed and cried out that Wechtari was there, and terrified by God they thought more of
flight than of battle. Then Wechtari, rushing upon them with the few men he had, overthrew them with
such great slaughter that out of five thousand men a few only remained, who escaped with difficulty.[3]
[1] Bethmann believes that a certain stronghold, Purgessimus, is meant, near the bridge hereafter referred
to; others say Prosascus, at the source of the Natisone; others, Borgo Bressana, a suburb of Cividale
(Waitz). Musoni (Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, pp. 187, 188) considers all these conjectures
inadmissible, and shows that it was at the place now called Brischis, near that city.
[2] Waitz says the bridge of San Pietro dei Schiavi. Musoni (Atti, etc., p. 191), believes it was probably
the present bridge of San Quirino.
[3] It is evident that this account, which is no doubt based upon oral tradition and perhaps has some
historical basis, has been greatly exaggerated, if indeed there is not a mistake in the figures, as Muratori
suggests, The allusion to the patriarch also appears to contain an anachronism, since it was in 737, after
these events, that the patriarch Calixtus removed his see to Cividale. Communities of Slavs still inhabit a
portion of Friuli; they are divided, according to their linguistic peculiarities, into four principal groups,
and probably came into this district at different times. (Musoni, Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, pp.
187, 193.)
Chapter XXIV.
After this Wechtari, Landari held the dukedom at Forum Julii, and when he died Rodoald succeeded him
in the dukedom.
Chapter XXV.
When then, as we have said, duke Lupus had died, king Grimuald gave Lupus [1] daughter Theuderada
to his own son Romuald, who was governing Beneventum. [1] From her he begot three sons, that is,
Grimuald, Gisulf, and also Arichis.
[1] Theuderada emulated Theudelinda in piety, and established the duchy of Benevento in the Catholic
faith (Hodgkin, VI, 297,
298).
Chapter XXVI.
Also king Grimuald avenged his injuries (received) from all those who deserted him when he had set out
for Beneventum.
Chapter XXVII.
But he also destroyed in the following manner Forum Populi (Forlimpopoli), a city of the Romans, [1]
whose citizens had inflicted certain injuries upon him when he set out for Beneventum and had often
annoyed his couriers going from Beneventum and returning. Having left Tuscany [2] through Bardo's
Alp [3] (Bardi) at the time of Lent without any knowledge of the Romans, he rushed unexpectedly upon
that city on the holy Sabbath of Easter itself [4] in the hour when the baptism was occurring and made so
great a carnage of men slain that he killed in the sacred font itself even those deacons who were baptizing
little infants. And he so overthrew that city that very few inhabitants remain in it up to the present time.
[1] On the Aemilian way, twenty miles south of Ravenna (Hodgkin, VI, 290).
[2] Read e Tuscia egressus in place of Tnsciam ingressus (Hodgkin VI, 290, note 3).
[3] A pass of the Apennines near Parma. There is evidently some mistake, either in the text or else by
Paul, as the two places are far apart (Hodgkin, VI, 290, note 3). Otto von Freising says that the whole
Apennine range was so called (Abel).
[4] 'Sabbato paschali'. Abel translates Easter Saturday, Hodgkin (VI, 290) Easter Sunday, which seems
more probable from the context.
Chapter XXVIII.
Grimuald had indeed no ordinary hatred against the Romans, since they had once treacherously betrayed
his brothers Taso and Cacco. [1] Wherefore he destroyed to its foundations the city of Opitergium
(Oderzo) where they were killed, and divided the territories of those who had dwelt there among the
people of Forum Julii (Cividale), Tarvisium (Treviso) and Ceneta (Ceneda).
[1] IV, 38, supra.
Chapter XXIX.
During these times a duke of the Bulgarians, Alzeco by name, left his own people, from what cause is
unknown, and peacefully entering Italy with the whole army of his dukedom, came to king Grimuald,
promising to serve him and to dwell in his country. And the king directing him to Beneventum to his son
Romuald, ordered that the latter should assign to him and his people places to dwell in. [1] Duke
Romuald, receiving them graciously, accorded to them extensive tracts to settle which had been deserted
up to that time, namely, Sepinum (Sepino), Bovianum (Bojano), Isernia [2] and other cities with their
territories and directed that Alzeco himself, the name of his title being changed, should be called
gastaldius [3] instead of duke. And they dwell up to the present time in these places, as we have said, and
although they also speak Latin, they have not at all forsaken the use of their own language.
[1] Theophanes (Historia Miscella) relates the story differently (Waitz).
[2] Places in the highlands of Samnium (Hodgkin VI, 284).
[3] See note II, 32, supra, pp. 88-91.
Chapter XXX.
When the emperor Constans, as we said, [1] had been killed in Sicily and the tyrant Mezetius who had
succeeded him had been punished, Constantine, the son of the emperor Constantius, undertook the
government of the empire of the Romans and reigned over the Romans seventeen years. In the times of
Constans indeed the archbishop Theodore and the abbot Adrian, also a very learned man, were sent by
pope Vitalian into Britain and made very many churches of the Angles productive of the fruit of
ecclasiastical doctrine. Of these men archbishop Theodore has described, with wonderful and discerning
reflection, the sentences for sinners, namely, for how many years one ought to do penance for each sin.
[1] Ch. 12, sitpra.
[2] The book is entitled 'Poenitentiale' (Giansevero). Book 5
Chapter XXXI.
Afterwards, in the month of August, a comet appeared in the east with very brilliant rays, which again
turned back upon itself and disappeared. And without delay a heavy pestilence followed from the same
eastern quarter and destroyed the Roman people. In these days Domnus (Donus), Pope of the Roman
Church, covered with large white blocks of marble in a wonderful manner the place which is called
Paradise in front of the church of the blessed apostle Peter.
Chapter XXXII.
At this time Dagipert governed the kingdom of the Franks in Gaul and with him king Grimuald entered
into a treaty of lasting peace. [1] Perctarit also, who had settled in the country of the Franks, fearing the
power of this Grimuald, departed from Gaul and determined to hasten to the island of Britain and the
king of the Saxons.
[1] This appears to be doubtful, as Dagipert II, to whom it refers, came to the throne in 674, after
Grimuald's death (Jacobi, 42). Hartmann believes that the treaty was made, though not with Dagipert (II,
I, 277). Clothar III or Childeric are suggested (Waitz).
Chapter XXXIII.
But Grimuald indeed having remained in the palace on the ninth day after the use of the lancet, took his
bow and when he attempted to hit a dove with an arrow, the vein of his arm was ruptured. The doctors, as
they say, administered poisoned medicines and totally withdrew him from this life. He added in the edict
which king Rothari had composed certain chapters of law which seemed useful to him. [1] He was
moreover very strong in body, foremost in boldness, with a bald head and a heavy beard and was adorned
with wisdom no less than with strength. And his body was buried in the church of the blessed Ambrose
the Confessor, which he had formerly built in the city of Ticinum. Upon the expiration of one year and
three months after the death of king Aripert, he usurped the kingdom of the Langobards, reigned nine
years and left as king Garibald his son, still of boyish age whom the daughter of king Aripert had borne
him.[2] Then, as we had begun to say, Perctarit having departed from Gaul, embarked in a ship to pass
over to the island of Britain to the kingdom of the Saxons. And when he had already sailed a little way
through the sea, a voice was heard from the shore of one inquiring whether Perctarit was in that ship.
And when the answer was given him that Perctarit was there, he who called out added: "Say to him he
may return to his country since today is the third day that Grimuald has been withdrawn from this life."
When he heard this, Perctarit straightway turned back again and coming to the shore could not find the
person who informed him of the death of Grimuald, from which he thought that this was not a man but a
Divine messenger. And then directing his course to his own country, when he had come to the confines
of Italy he found already there awaiting him all the retinue of the palace, and all the royal officials in
readiness together with a great multitude of the Langobards. And thus when he returned to Ticinum, and
the little boy Garibald had been driven away from the kingdom, he was raised to the kingly power by all
the Langobards, the third month after the death of Grimuald. [3] He was moreover a pious man, a
Catholic in belief, [4] tenacious of justice and a very bountiful supporter of the poor. And he straightway
sent to Beneventum and called back from thence his wife Rodelinda and his son Cunincpert.
[1] In these chapters he discouraged the wager of battle and made strict provisions against bigamy, a
crime which seems to have been increasing. He also incorporated the Roman principle in the succession
of property, that when a father died the children should represent and take his share. His edict was issued
A.D. 663 (Hodgkin, VI, 291, 292).
[2] His elder son Romuald seems to have kept the duchy of Benevento.
[3] A.D. 671 (Hartmann, II, 1, 255).
[4] So much a Catholic that he caused the Jews in the kingdom to be baptized, and ordered all who
refused to be slain (Song of the Synod of Pavia; see Hodgkin, VI, 303). Grimuald's aggressive policy
against the Romans was now abandoned.
Chapter XXXIV.
And as soon as he had taken upon himself the rights of sovereignty, he built in that place which is on the
side of the river Ticinus (Ticino) whence he himself had previously escaped, a convent called the New
one, to his Lord and Deliverer in honor of the Holy Virgin and Martyr Agatha. [1] In it he gathered
together many virgins, and he also endowed this place with possessions and ornaments of many kinds.
His queen Rodelinda indeed built with wonderful workmanship outside the walls of this city of Ticinum
a church of the Holy Mother of God which is called "At the Poles," and adorned it with marvelous
decorations. This place moreover was called "At the Poles" because formerly poles, that is beams, had
stood there upright which were wont to be planted according to the custom of the Langobards for the
following reason: if any one were killed in any place either in war or in any other way, his relatives fixed
a pole within their burial ground upon the top of which they placed a dove made of wood that was turned
in that direction where their beloved had expired so that it might be known in what place he who had
died was sleeping.
[1] It is said his escape occurred in the night before the festival of St. Agatha (Waitz).
Chapter XXXV.
Then Perctarit, when he had ruled alone for seven years, now in the eighth year took his son Cunincpert
as his consort in the government and with him he reigned in like manner for ten years. [1]
[1] This seems to be a mistake. The period was something more than eight years (Hodgkin, VI, 304).
Chapter XXXVI.
And while they were living in great peace and had tranquility around them on every side, there arose
against them a son of iniquity, Alahis by name, by whom the peace was disturbed in the kingdom of the
Langobards, and a great slaughter was made of the people. This man, when he was duke of the city of
Tridentum (Trent), fought with the count of the Bavarians that they call "gravio" [1] who governed
Bauzanum (Botzen) and other strongholds, and defeated him in an astonishing manner. Elated from this
cause, he also lifted his hand against Perctarit his king, and rebelling, fortified himself within the
stronghold of Tridentum. King Perctarit advanced against him and while he besieged him from the
outside, suddenly Alahis rushed unexpectedly out of the city with his followers, overthrew the king's
camp and compelled the king himself to seek flight. He afterwards however returned to the favor of king
Perctarit through the agency of Cunincpert, the king's son, who loved him now for a long time. For when
the king had at different times wanted to put him to death, his son Cunincpert always prevented this
being done, thinking that he would thereafter be faithful, nor did he refrain from getting his father also to
bestow upon Alahis the dukedom of Brexia (Brescia), although the father often protested that Cunincpert
did this to his own ruin, since he offered his enemy the means of obtaining the kingly power. The city of
Brexia indeed had always a great multitude of noble Langobards and Perctarit feared that by their aid
Alahis would become too powerful. In these days king Perctarit built with wonderful workmanship in the
city of Ticinum, a gate adjoining the palace which was also called the " Palace Gate."
[1] Or grafio, the German Graf.
Chapter XXXVII.
When he had held the sovereignty eighteen years, [1] first alone and afterwards with his son, he was
withdrawn from this life and his body was buried hard by the church of our Lord the Saviour which
Aripert his father had built. He was of becoming stature, of a corpulent body, mild and gentle in all
things. But king Cunincpert indeed took to wife Hermelinda, of the race of the Anglo-Saxons. [2] She
had seen in the bath Theodote, a girl sprung from a very noble stock of Romans, of graceful body and
adorned with flaxen hair almost to the feet, and she praised the girl's beauty to king Cunincpert, her
husband. And although he concealed from his wife that he had heard this with pleasure, he was inflamed,
nevertheless, with great love for the girl, and without delay he set forth to hunt in the wood they call
"The City," and directed his wife Hermelinda to come with him. And he stole out from there by night and
came to Ticinum, and making the girl Theodote come to him he lay with her. Yet he sent her afterwards
into a monastery in Ticinum which was called by her name.
[1] But see chapter 35, supra. and note.
[2] Egbert, king of Kent from 664 to 673, had a sister Eormengild and an uncle Eormenred, whose
daughters' names all begin with "Eormen." Eormenlind or Hermelinda probably came from one of these
families (Hodgkin, VI, 305, note 3).
Chapter XXXVIII.
Alahis indeed gave birth to the iniquity he had long since conceived, and with the help of Aldo and
Grauso, citizens of Brexia, as well as many others of the Langobards, forgetful of so many favors that
king Cunincpert had conferred upon him, forgetting also the oath by which he had engaged to be most
faithful to him, he took possession, while Cunincpert was absent, of his kingly power and of the palace
that stood at Ticinum. Cunincpert, hearing this at the place where he was, straightway fled to an island
which is in Lake Larius (Como), not far from Comum (Como), and there fortified himself strongly. But
there was great grief among all who loved him and especially among the priests and clergy, all of whom
Alahis held in hatred. There was indeed at that time a bishop of the church of Ticinum, Damianus, a man
of God, distinguished for sanctity and well instructed in the liberal arts. When he saw that Alahis had
taken possession of the palace, in order that neither he nor his church should suffer harm from him, he
dispatched to him his deacon Thomas, a wise and religious man and sent by him to this same Alahis the
blessing [1] of his holy church. It was announced to Alahis that Thomas the deacon stood before the door
and had brought the benediction from the bishop. Then Alahis, who as we said, held all churchmen in
hatred, thus spoke to his servants: "Go, say to him if he has clean breeches he may come in but if
otherwise let him keep his foot outside." Thomas, indeed, when he had heard these expressions thus
answered: "Say to him that I have clean breeches, since I put them on washed today." Alahis sent word to
him again as follows: " I do not speak of the breeches but of the things that are inside the breeches," To
these things Thomas thus made answer: "Go, say to him God only can find blame in me for these causes,
but that man can by no means do so." And when Alahis had made this deacon come in to him he spoke
with him very bitterly and with reproaching. Then fear and hatred of the tyrant took possession of all the
churchmen and priests, since they deemed they could not at all bear his rudeness; and they began to wish
for Cunincpert so much the more as they had in execration the haughty usurper of the kingdom. But not
very long did rudeness and rough brutality keep the sovereignty they had usurped.
[1] 'Benedictio', perhaps '' the bread of the Eucharist'' the 'blessed bread" (Waitz). See DuCange
_Benedictiones, Eulogia_ Book 5
Chapter XXXIX.
In fine, on a certain day when he was counting solidi upon a table, one tremisses [1] fell from that table,
which the son of Aldo, who was yet a little boy, picked from the floor and gave back to this Alahis.
Thinking that the boy understood but little, Alahis spoke to him as follows: "Your father has many of
these which he is soon going to give me if God shall so will." When this boy had returned to his father in
the evening, his father asked him if the king had said anything to him that day, and he reported to his
father all the things as they had happened and what the king had said to him. When Aldo heard these
things he was greatly concerned; and joining his brother Grauso he reported to him all the things the king
had ill-naturedly said. And they presently took counsel with their friends and with those they could trust,
in what way they might deprive the tyrant Alahis of his sovereignty before he could do them any injury.
And later they set out to the palace and spoke to Alahis as follows: "Why do you deign to stay in town?
See! all the city and the whole people are faithful to you, and that drunken Cunincpert is so broken up
that he cannot now have any further resources. Depart and go to the hunt and exercise yourself with your
young men, and we, with the rest of your faithful subjects, will defend this city for you. But we also
promise you that we will soon bring you the head of your enemy, Cunincpert." And he was persuaded by
their words and departed from the city and set out for the very extensive City forest, and there began to
exercise himself with sports and huntings. Aldo and Grauso, however, went to Lake Comacinus (Como),
embarked in a boat and proceeded to Cunincpert. When they came to him they threw themselves at his
feet, acknowledged that they had acted unjustly against him and reported to him what Alahis had
knavishly spoken against them and what counsel they had given him to his ruin. Why say more? They
shed tears together and gave oaths to each other fixing the day when Cunincpert should come that they
might deliver to him the city of Ticinum. And this was done, for on the appointed day Cunincpert came
to Ticinum, was received by them most willingly and entered his palace. Then all the citizens, and
especially the bishop and the priests also and the clergy, young men and old, ran to him eagerly and all
embraced him with tears, and filled with boundless joy, shouted their thanks to God for his return; and he
kissed them all as far as he could. Suddenly there came to Alahis one who announced that Aldo and
Grauso had fulfilled all they had promised him and had brought him the head of Cunincpert, and not only
his head, but also his whole body, for the man declared that he was staying in the palace. When Alahis
heard this he was overwhelmed with dismay, and raging and gnashing his teeth, he threatened many
things against Aldo and Grauso, and departed thence and returned through Placentia (Piacenza) to
Austria [2] and joined to himself as allies the various cities, partly by flatteries, partly by force. For when
he came to Vincentia (Vicenza) the citizens went forth against him and made ready for war, but presently
they were conquered and were made his allies. Going forth from thence he entered Tarvisium (Treviso),
and in like manner also the remaining cities. And when Cunincpert collected an army against him, and
the people of Forum Julii (Cividalc),[3] on account of their fidelity, wished to march to Cunincpert's
assistance, Alahis himself lay hid in the wood which is called Capulanus by the bridge of the river
Liquentia (Livenza), which is distant forty-eight miles from Forum Julii and is in the way of those going
to Ticinum, and when the army of the people of Forum Julii came, a few at a time, he compelled them all
as they arrived to swear allegiance to him, diligently watching lest anyone of them should turn back and
report this thing to the others who were approaching; and thus all those coming from Forum Julii were
bound to him by oath. Why say more? Alahis with the whole of Austria, and on the other hand
Cunincpert with his followers came and set up their camps in the field whose name is Coronate (Kornate)
[4]
[1] A coin, the third part of a solidus, and worth, says Hodgkin, (VI, 308), about four shillings. Soetbeer
(Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte, II, pp. 374 to 383) gives an account of the coins used by the
Langobards. The mode of computation was the same as in the Greek jurisdiction of Ravenna (p. 374).
The tremisses, not the whole solidus, was the common coin and those coined at Lucca after the time of
the Ostrogothic kingdom (both before that city fell under the Langobards and afterwards down to 797),
were an important medium of circulation. The average weight of the oldest of these coins was 1.38
grammes - corresponding with the Byzantine coins of the same period, while the coins of Lucca varied
much in the fineness of the gold, from 23 carats, the Byzantine standard, down to 15—the average being
perhaps 17 or 18 (pp. 375, 376, 380). After the subjection of Lucca (about the year 640) and before the
names of the last Langobard kings, Aistulf and Uesiderius were placed upon the coins, that is during the
period described in the text, the average weight was 1.33 grammes, while the fineness of the gold was
very slightly reduced. Under Aistulf and Desiderius the average weight was 1.12 grammes. It is not
possible to say which Langobard king first began to coin money. Rothari in his Edict made provision for
the punishment of false coinage, but the first king whose monogram appears upon a tremisses is
Grimuald (Hartmann, II, 2, 33), and the first king's portrait is that of Cunincpert. The duchy of Benevento
had also a special coinage of its own (id).
[2] This name was used to designate the eastern part of the Langobard kingdom, and was often
mentioned in the laws of king Liutprand (Waitz). Its western boundary was the Adda, and the land west
of that stream was called Neustria, which, with a third division, Tuscia, constituted the main kingdom
immediately subject to the king, as distinguished from the duchies of Spoleto and Benevento.
[3] It will be noticed here that the people of Forum Julii and not the duke is mentioned. This is one of the
signs of the gradual decrease in the power of the dukes in the northern portions of the Langobard
kingdom. (See note 3, Bk. II, Ch. 32 supra.)
[4] By the Adda, about ten miles southwest of Bergamo (Hodgkin, VI, 311).
Chapter XL.
Cunincpert dispatched a messenger to him, sending him word that he would engage with him in single
combat; that there was no need of using up the army of either. To these words Alahis did not at all agree.
When one of his followers, a Tuscan by race, calling him a warlike and brave man, advised him to go
forth boldly against Cunincpert, Alahis replied to these words: "Cunincpert, although he is a drunkard
and of a stupid heart, is nevertheless quite bold and of wonderful strength. For in his father's time when
we were boys there were in the palace wethers of great size which he seized by the wool of the back and
lifted from the ground with outstretched arm, which, indeed, I was not able to do." That Tuscan hearing
these things said to him: "If you do not dare to go into a fight with Cunincpert in single combat you will
not have me any longer as a companion in your support." And saying this he broke away and straightway
betook himself to Cunincpert and reported these things to him. Then, as we said, both lines came together
in the field of Coronate. And when they were already near, so that they were bound to join in battle,
Seno, a deacon of the church of Ticinum, who was the guardian of the church of St. John the Baptist
(which was situated within that city and which queen Gundiperga had formerly built), since he loved the
king very much, and feared lest his sovereign should perish in war, said to the king: "My lord king, our
whole life lies in your welfare. If you perish in battle that tyrant Alahis will destroy us by various
punishments; therefore may my counsel please you. Give me a suit of your armor and I will go and fight
with that tyrant. If I shall die, you may still re-establish your cause, but if I shall win, a greater glory will
be ascribed to you, because you will have conquered by your servant." And when the king refused to do
this, his few faithful ones who were present began to beg him with tears that he would give his consent to
those things the deacon had said. Overcome at last, since he was of a tender heart, by their prayers and
tears, he handed his cuirass and his helmet, and his greaves and his other arms to the deacon, and
dispatched him to the battle to play the part of the king. For this deacon was of the same stature and
bearing, so that when he had gone armed out of the tent he was taken for king Cunincpert by all. The
battle then was joined and they struggled with all their might. And when Alahis pressed the harder there
where he thought the king was, he killed Seno the deacon, and imagined that Cunincpert had been slain.
And when he had ordered his head cut off so that after it was lifted upon a pike they should cry out "
Thanks to God," when the helmet was removed, he learned that he had killed a churchman. Then crying
out in his rage he said: " Woe is me! We have done nothing when we have brought the battle to this point
that we have killed a churchman! Therefore, I now make this kind of a vow that if God shall give me the
victory I will fill a whole well with the members of churchmen."
Chapter XLI.
Then Cunincpert, seeing that his men had lost, straightway showed himself to them, and taking away
their fear, strengthened their hearts to hope for victory. Again the lines of battle formed and on the one
side Cunincpert, and on the other, Alahis made ready for the struggles of war. And when they were
already near so that both lines were joining to fight, Cunincpert again sent a message to Alahis in these
words: "See how many people there are on both sides! What need is there that so great a multitude
perish? Let us join, he and I, in single combat and may that one of us to whom God may have willed to
give the victory have and possess all this people safe and entire." And when his followers exhorted
Alahis to do what Cunincpert enjoined him he answered: "I cannot do this because among his spears I
see the image of the holy archangel Michael [1] by whom I swore allegiance to him. "Then one of them
said : " From fear you see what is not, and anyhow, it is now late for you to think of these things." Then
when the trumpets sounded, the lines of battle joined, and as neither side gave way, a very great slaughter
was made of the people. At length the cruel tyrant Alahis perished, and Cunincpert with the help of the
Lord obtained the victory. The army of Alahis too, when his death was known, took the protection of
flight. And of these whomsoever the point of the sword did not cut down the river Addua (Adda)
destroyed. Also the head of Alahis was cut off and his legs were cut away and only his deformed and
mangled corpse remained. The army of the people of Forum Julii was not in this war at all because, since
it had unwillingly sworn allegiance to Alahis, for this reason it gave assistance neither to king Cunincpert
nor to Alahis, but returned home when the two engaged in war. Then Alahis having died in this manner,
king Cunincpert commanded that the body of Seno the deacon should be buried in great splendor before
the gates of the church of St. John which the deacon had governed. The reigning sovereign himself
indeed returned to Ticinum with the rejoicing of all and in the triumph of victory.
[1] The patron saint of the Langobards (Hartmann, II, 2, 25; Waitz). Book 6
Chapter I.
While these things were occurring among the Langobards across the Po, Romuald, duke of the
Beneventines after he had collected a great multitude of an army, attacked and captured Tarentum
(Taranto) and in like manner Brundisium (Brindisi) and subjugated to his dominion all that very
extensive region which surrounds them. [1] His wife Theuderata, too, built at the same time, a church in
honor of the blessed apostle Peter outside the walls of the city of Beneventum and in that place she
established a convent of many nuns.
[1] This probably refers to the "heel of Italy," the land around Otranto, which now passed under the
Langobard sway (Hodgkin,
VI, 335).
Chapter II.
Romuald, too, after he had governed the dukedom sixteen years was withdrawn from this life. After him
his son Grimuald ruled the people of the Samnites [1] three years. Wigilinda, a sister of Cunincpert and
daughter of king Perctarit was united to him in marriage. When Grimuald also died, Gisulf his brother
was made duke [2] and ruled over Beneventum seventeen years. Winiperga was married to him and bore
him Romuald. About these times, when a great solitude existed for a number of years past in the
stronghold of Cassinum (Monte Cassino) where the holy body of the most blessed Benedict reposes,
there came Franks from the regions of the Celmanici (Cenomannici) [3] and of the Aurelianenses, [4]
and "while they pretended to keep a vigil by the venerable body they bore away the bones of the reverend
father and also of the revered Scolastica his sister, and carried them to their own country where two
monasteries were built, one in honor of each, that is, of the blessed Benedict and of St. Scolastica. But it
is certain that that venerable mouth, sweeter than all nectar, and the eyes beholding ever heavenly things,
and the other members too have remained to us, although decayed.[5] For only the body of our Lord
alone did not see corruption; but the bodies of all the saints have been subjected to corruption, to be
restored afterwards to eternal glory, with the exception of those which by divine miracles are kept
without blemish.
[1] Thus were the Beneventines called (IV, 44, 46, supra).
[2] His mother Theuderata governed the dukedom during his minority (Waitz).
[3] Inhabitants of Le Mans.
[4] Inhabitants of Orleans.
[5] A long controversy between the French and Italian Benedictine monks has arisen from this passage,
as to the genuineness of the relics of St. Benedict (Waitz).
Chapter III.
But when Rodoald indeed, who as we said before, [1] held the dukedom at Forum Julii, was absent from
that city, Ansfrit from the fortress of Reunia (Ragogna) [2] swept through his dukedom without the
consent of the king. Rodoald, when he learned this, fled into Istria and thence came by ship through
Ravenna to Ticinum to king Cunincpert. Ansfrit indeed, not content to rule the dukedom of the Friulans,
but rebelling against Cunincpert besides, attempted to usurp his sovereignty. But he was seized in Verona
and brought to the king, his eyes were torn out and he was cast into banishment. After these things Ado,
the brother of Rodoald, governed the Friulan dukedom a year and seven months under the name of
caretaker.[3]
[1] V, 24 supra.
[2] About thirty miles west of Cividale (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note l).
[3] 'Loci servator'. The only instance of this title during- the Langobard period. Later it frequently occurs
(Pabst, 460, note). There is no date for these events except that they occurred under Cunincpert,
688—700 (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note 3). By these occurrences the dukedom of Friuli, which had been semiindependent, seems to have been placed directly under the power of the king (Hartmann, 11, l, 267).
Chapter IV.
While these things occurred in Italy, a heresy arose at Constantinople which asserted that there was one
will and mode of action in our Lord Jesus Christ. Georgius [1] the patriarch of Constantinople,
Macharius, Pyrrus, Paul and Peter stirred up this heresy. Wherefore the emperor Constantine [2] caused
to be assembled a hundred and fifty bishops [3] among whom were also the legates of the holy Roman
Church sent by Pope Agatho - John the Deacon and John the bishop of Portus (Porto) [4] – and they all
condemned this heresy. [5] At that hour so many spider webs fell in the midst of the people that they
were all astonished, and by this it was signified that the uncleanesses of heretical depravity were driven
away. And Georgius the patriarch indeed was rebuked, [6] the others, however, who persisted in their
defense were visited by the penalty of excommunication. At this time Damianus, bishop of the church of
Ticinum [7] composed in the name of Mansuetus archbishop of Mediolanum (Milan) an epistle upon this
question, quite useful to correct belief, which in the aforesaid synod, won no ordinary approbation. For
the correct and true belief is this, that as there are in our Lord Jesus Christ two natures, that is of God and
of man, so also there may be believed to be two wills or modes of action. Will you hear what there is of
the Deity in him? He says, "I and my Father are one." [8] Will you hear what there is of humanity? "My
Father is greater than I." [9] Behold him sleeping in the ship according to his human nature! Behold his
divinity when the evangelist says: "Then he arose and rebuked the winds and the sea and there was a
great calm !" [10] This Sixth General Synod was celebrated at Constantinople and recorded in the Greek
language at the time of Pope Agatho, and the emperor Constantine conducted it while remaining within
the enclosures of his palace.
[1] This is a mistake. Georgius was used by the emperor as an instrument of reconciliation (Hartmann, II,
l, 259). It was the former patriarchs, Sergius,.Pyrrus, Paul and Peter, who stirred up the heresy, and
Macharius, bishop of Antioch, supported it (p. 260).
[2] See V, 30, supra. He was also called Pogonatus.
[3] Paul erroneously places the time of this general council (A.D.680) in the reign of Cunincpert, which
began 688 (Jacobi, 56).
[4] At the mouth of the Tiber.
[5] We have seen (V, 6, note, szipra) that the so-called Monothelete heresy had succeeded the
controversy regarding the Three Chapters. Four successive patriarchs of Constantinople had approved the
Monothelete doctrine, but the church in the west was united against it, and the emperor, desirous of a
reconciliation, issued an invitation to the Pope to send deputies to a council. Pope Agatho accordingly
dispatched three legates and three bishops to a conference at Constantinople, which became the Sixth
Ecumenical Council. It lasted from November, 680, to September, 681. Macharius, patriarch of Antioch,
undertook to prove that the dogma of " one theandric energy " was in harmony with the decisions of the
Fourth and Fifth Councils, but the genuineness of some of his quotations was denied and the relevancy of
others disputed. Gregory, patriarch of Constantinople, formally announced his adhesion to the cause of
the Pope, who insisted that there were two wills in Christ. The decrees of Pope Agatho and the Western
Synod were ratified, Macharius was deposed and the upholders of the Monothelete heresy were
condemned, including Honorius, former pope of Rome (Hodgkin, VI, 345, 346),
[6] A mistake. See note above.
[7] At this time Damianus was only a presbyter (Waltz).
[8] John x. 30.
[9] John xiv. 28.
[10] Matt. viii. 26.
Chapter V.
In these times during the eighth indiction (A.D. 680) the moon suffered an eclipse; also an eclipse of the
sun occurred at almost the same time on the fifth day before the Nones of May [1] about the tenth hour of
the day. And presently there followed a very severe pestilence for three months, that is, in July, August
and September, and so great was the multitude of those dying that even parents with their children and
brothers with their sisters were placed on biers two by two and conducted to their tombs at the city of
Rome. And in like manner too this pestilence also depopulated Ticinum so that all citizens fled to the
mountain ranges and to other places and grass and bushes grew in the market place and throughout the
streets of the city. And then it visibly appeared to many that a good and a bad angel proceeded by night
through the city and as many times as, upon command of the good angel, the bad angel, who appeared to
carry a hunting spear in his hand, knocked at the door of each house with the spear, so many men
perished from that house on the following day. Then it was said to a certain man by revelation that the
pestilence itself would not cease before an altar of St. Sebastian the martyr was placed in the church of
the blessed Peter which is called "Ad Vincula." And it was done, and after the remains of St. Sebastian
the martyr had been carried from the city of Rome, presently the altar was set up in the aforesaid church
and the pestilence itself ceased.[2]
[1] May 2nd. Pagi says that the solar eclipse occurred in 680 and the other in 681 (Giansevero).
[2] The historians of Pavia declare that the bishop St. Damianus begged from the Roman pontiff the
remains of the holy martyr and placed them in the church of St. Peter ad Vincula (Waitz).
Chapter VI.
While king Cunincpert, indeed, after these things was taking counsel in the city of Ticinum with his
master of horse, which in their language is called "marpahis," [1] in what way he might deprive Aldo and
Grauso of life, suddenly in the window near which they were standing sat a fly of the largest kind which
when Cunincpert attempted to strike with his knife to kill it, he only cut off its foot. While Aldo and
Grauso indeed, in ignorance of the evil design, were coming to the palace, when they had drawn near the
church of the holy martyr Romanus which is situated near the palace, suddenly a certain lame man with
one foot cut off came in their way who said to them that Cunincpert was going to kill them if they should
go on to him. When they heard this they were seized with great fear and fled behind the altar of that
church. Presently it was announced to king Cunincpert that Aldo and Grauso had taken refuge in the
church of the blessed martyr Romanus. Then Cunincpert began to accuse his master of horse asking why
he had to betray his design. His master of horse thus answered him: "My lord king, you know that after
we conferred about these things I did not go out of your presence and how could I have said this to any
one?" Then the king sent to Aldo and Grauso, asking them why they had taken refuge in the holy place.
And they answering said: "Because it was reported to us that our lord the king wished to kill us." Again
the king sent to them, seeking to know who he was who had given them the report, and he sent them
word that unless they would report to him who had told them, they could not find favor with him. Then
they sent word to the king as it had occurred, saying that a lame man had met them upon the way who
had one foot cut off and used a wooden leg up to the knee, and that this man had been the one who told
them they would be killed. Then the king understood that the fly whose foot he had cut off had been a
bad spirit and that it had betrayed his secret designs. And straightway he took Aldo and Grauso on his
word of honor from that church, pardoned their fault and afterwards held them as faithful subjects.
[1] II, 9 supra. Book 6
Chapter VII.
At that time Felix, the uncle of my teacher Flavian was renowned in the grammatical art. The king loved
him so much that he bestowed upon him among other gifts of his bounty, a staff decorated with silver
and gold.
Chapter VIII.
During the same time also lived John the bishop of the church of Bergoma (Bergamo), a man of
wonderful sanctity. [1] Since he had offended king Cunincpert while they were conversing at a banquet,
the king commanded to be prepared for him when he was returning to his inn a fierce and untamed horse
who was accustomed to dash to the earth with a great snorting those who sat upon him. But when the
bishop mounted him he was so gentle that he carried him at an easy gait to his own house. The king,
hearing this, cherished the bishop from that day with due honor and bestowed upon him in gift that very
horse, which he had destined for his own riding.
[1]He took part in the council at Rome under Pope Agatho against the Monotheletes (Waitz).
Chapter IX.
At this time between Christmas and Epiphany there appeared at night in a clear sky a star near the
Pleiades shaded in every way as when the moon stands behind a cloud. Afterwards in the month of
February at noonday there arose a star in the west which set with a great flash in the direction of the east.
Then in the month of March there was an eruption of Bebius (Vesuvius) for some days and all green
things growing round about were exterminated by its dust and ashes.
Chapter X.
Then the race of Saracens, unbelieving and hateful to God, proceeded from Egypt into Africa with a
great multitude, took Carthage by siege and when it was taken, cruelly laid it waste and leveled it to the
ground.
Chapter XI.
Meanwhile the emperor Constantine died at Constantinople and his younger son Justinian [1] assumed
the sovereignty of the Romans and held the control of it for ten years. He took Africa away from the
Saracens and made peace with them on sea and land. He sent Zacharias his protospatarius [1] and
ordered that Pope Sergius should be brought to Constantinople because he was unwilling to approve and
subscribe to the error of that synod which the emperor had held at Constantinople. [3] But the soldiery of
Ravenna and of the neighboring parts, despising the impious orders of the emperor, drove this same
Zacharias with reproaches and insults from the city of Rome. [4]
[1] Here Paul misunderstands Bede from whom he took the statement. Bede (A. M. 4649) speaks of
"Justinian the younger, a son of Constantine." He succeeded to the throne in 685.
[2] Captain of the imperial body guard, a high Byzantine dignity.
[3] The Quinisextan (Fifth - Sixth) council summoned by Justinian II in 691 (Hodgkin, VI, 354-356).
[4] A.D. 691 (Giansevero).
Chapter XII.
Leo seizing the imperial dignity, in opposition to this Justinian, deprived him of his kingdom, ruled the
empire of the Romans three years and kept Justinian an exile in Pontus. [1]
[1] The reign of Justinian II had been marked by oppressive exactions and great cruelties. After ten years'
misgovernment Leontius (the Leo mentioned in the text) a nobleman of Isauria, commander of the armies
of the East, who had been imprisoned by the tyrant and then released, was proclaimed emperor in 695. A
mob assembled in the Hippodrome and demanded Justinian's death. Leontius spared his life, but
mutilated him by slitting his nose (whence he was called 'Rhinotmetus') and banished him to Cherson on
the southwest coast of the Crimea (Hodgkin, VI, 359-361).
Chapter XIII.
Tiberius in turn rebelled against this Leo and seized his sovereignty and held him in prison in the same
city all the time he reigned. [1]
[1] A naval armament under the command of the patrician John had delivered Carthage from the
Saracens but the latter had retaken the city and the imperial troops on their return to Constantinople
broke out in a mutiny against both their general and Leontius, and a naval officer named Apsimarwas
proclaimed emperor. When the fleet reached Constantinople, Leontius was dethroned and Apsimar under
the name of Tiberius III, reigned seven years, frcm 698 to 705 (Hcdgkin, VI, 362, 363).
Chapter XIV.
At this time [1] the council held at Aquileia, on account of the ignorance of their faith, hesitated to accept
the Fifth General Council until, when instructed by the salutary admonitions of the blessed pope Sergius,
it also with the other churches of Christ consented to approve of this. For that synod was held at
Constantinople at the time of pope Vigilius under the emperor Justinian against Theodorus and all the
heretics who were asserting that the blessed Mary had given birth to a man only and not to a God and a
man. In this synod it was established as a Catholic doctrine that the blessed Mary ever virgin should be
called Mother of God since, as the Catholic faith has it, she gave birth not to a man only, but truly to a
God and a man. [2]
[1] A.D. 698 (Giansevero).
[2] Paul is in error in saying that it was the Synod of Constantinople at the time of pope Vigilius which
declared the Virgin Mary the Mother of God. Such declaration was made at Ephesus. The Council of
Constantinople was the one that condemned the Three Chapters and led to the long schism described in
the previous notes (III, 20, 26; IV, 33 supra). The return of the schismatics to the church took place
according to other authorities not at Aquileia but at Pavia (Waitz, Appendix, p. 245, 248), when they
declared with shouts of triumph that they renounced the heresy of Theodore and his companions and
asked to be restored to the church. Legates were sent to bear the news to Pope Sergius who ordered that
the manuscripts of the schismatics should be burned (Hodgkin, V, 483, 484). Possibly one council was
held at Aquileia and another at Pavia. Thus all the kingdom of the Langobards was now restored to full
Catholic communion.
Chapter XV.
In these days [1] Cedoal king of the Anglo-Saxons who had waged many wars in his own country [2]
was converted to Christ and set out for Rome, and when on the way he came to king Cunincpert he was
magnificently received by him, and when he had come to Rome he was baptized by pope Sergius and
called Peter and while dressed in white [3] he departed to the heavenly realms. His body was buried in
the church of St. Peter and has inscribed above it this epitaph: [4]
Cedoal, mighty in arms, for the love of his God has forsaken
Eminence, riches and kin, triumphs and powerful realms,
Arms and nobles and cities and camps and gods of the household,
Things that the thrift of his sires gathered, or he for himself,
So that as king and a guest he might gaze on Peter and Peter's
Chair, and propitiously quaff waters unstained from his spring,
Taking in radiant draught the shining light whose refulgence,
Giving immortal life, floweth on every side!
Swift to perceive the rewards of a life restored by conversion,
Joyful, he casts aside heathenish madness, and then
Changes his name as well, and Sergius the pontiff commanded
Peter he should be called; until the Father himself,
Making him pure by the grace of Christ in the font of the new birth,
Lifted him, clothed in white, up to the stronghold of heaven!
Wonderful faith of the king, and of Christ the astonishing mercy!
His is the perfect plan - counsel that none can approach!
Coming in safety indeed from remotest regions of Britain,
Through many nations, along ways many, over the straits,
Bringing his mystical gifts, he gazed upon Romulus' city
Looked upon Peter's church, worthy of reverence due;
Clad in white will he go, in the flocks of Christ a companion;
Earth his body may hold, heaven his spirit will keep.
You may the rather believe he has changed the mere badge of the scepters
He whom your eyes have seen winning the kingdom of Christ.[5]
[1] This journey and conversion of king Cedoal (or Ceadwalla of Wessex) is incorrectly placed by Paul
at the time of the synod at Aquileia, 698. It actually occurred in 689 (Hodgkin, VI, 318; V, 483).
[2] He had annexed Sussex, ravaged Kent and massacred the inhabitants of the Isle of Wight (Hodgkin,
VI, 318).
[3] The garment of the neophytes, worn by those just baptized.
[4] The author of this epitaph was Archbishop Benedict of Milan, A.D. 681-725 (Waitz, p. 225).
[5] A version in rhyme, less literal than the foregoing, is found in Giles' translation of the Ecclesiastical
History of Bede, Vol. I, p. 278. Book 6
Chapter XVI.
At this time in Gaul when the kings of the Franks were degenerating from their wonted courage and skill,
those who were regarded as stewards of the palace began to administer the kingly power and to do
whatever is the custom for kings, since it was ordained from heaven that the sovereignty of the Franks
should be transferred to the race of these men. And Arnulf was at that time [1] steward of the royal
palace, a man, as was afterwards apparent, pleasing to God and of wonderful holiness, who, after
enjoying the glory of this world, devoted himself to the service of Christ and was distinguished in the
episcopate and finally, choosing the life of a hermit, rendered all kinds of services to lepers and lived in
the greatest abstinence. Concerning his wonderful doings at the church of Metz where he carried on the
bishopric, there is a book containing an account of his miracles and the abstinence of his life. But I too,
in a book which I wrote concerning the bishops of this city, at the request of Angelramnus, archbishop of
the aforesaid church, a very gentle man and distinguished by holiness, have set down concerning this
most holy man Arnulf, certain of his miracles which I have considered it merely superfluous to repeat
here.
[1] Paul is in error in making Arnulf, who died August 18, 641, contemporary with Cunincpert (Jacobi,
42).
Chapter XVII.
During these occurrences Cunincpert, a ruler most beloved by all, after he had held for twelve years
alone, succeeding his father, the kingdom of the Langobards, was finally withdrawn from this life. He
built in the field of Coronate where he had waged war against Alahis, a monastery in honor of the holy
martyr George. [1] He was moreover a handsome man and conspicuous in every good quality and a bold
warrior. He was buried with many tears of the Langobards near the church of our Lord the Saviour which
his grandfather Aripert had formerly built. [2] And he left the kingdom of the Langobards to his son
Liutpert who was yet of the age of boyhood, to whom he gave as his tutor Ansprand, a wise and
distinguished man.
[1] The city of Modena, half ruined during the insurrection of Alahis, was also restored by him (Hodgkin,
VI, 314, note 2). Cunincpert was the first Langobard king whose effigy is found upon the coins (id., p.
317).
[2] In Ticinum, where there was an epitaph upon his tomb, referred to by Muratori in his book on the
Antiquities of Este, Chapters l-10, p. 73 (Waitz).
Chapter XVIII.
When eight months had elapsed from this time, [1] Raginpert, duke of Turin, whom formerly king
Godepert had left as a little boy when he was killed by Grimuald, of which we have also spoken above,
[2] came with a strong force and fought against Ansprand and Rotharit, duke of the Bergamascans at
Novariae (Novara), and defeating them in the open field took possession of the kingdom of the
Langobards. But he died the same year,
[1] A.D. 701 (Giansevero).
[2] IV, Ch. 51.
Chapter XIX.
Then his son Aripert, again making ready for war, fought at Ticinum with king Liutpert and with
Ansprand and Ato and Tatzo and also Rotharit and Farao; but overcoming all these in battle he took the
child Liutpert alive as a prisoner of war. Ansprand also fled and fortified himself in the island of
Commacina.[1]
[1] Spelled elsewhere Comacina.
Chapter XX.
But when Rotharit indeed returned to his city of Bergamus (Bergamo) he seized the kingly power. King
Aripert marched against him with a great army, and having first attacked and captured Lauda (Lodi) he
beseiged Bergamus, and storming it without any difficulty with battering rams and other machines of
war, presently took it and seized Rotharit the false king and shaving his hair and his beard, thrust him
into exile at Turin, and there after some days he was killed. Liutpert indeed whom he had taken he
deprived of life in like manner in the bath.
Chapter XXI.
He also sent an army into the island of Commacina against Ansprand. When this was known Ansprand
fled to Clavenna (Chiavenna), thence he came through Curia (Chur) a city of the Rhaetians to Theutpert,
duke of the Bavarians, and was with him for nine years. But the army of Aripert indeed took possession
of the island in which Ansprand had been and destroyed his town.
Chapter XXII.
Then king Aripert when he was confirmed in his sovereignty, tore out the eyes of Sigiprand, the son of
Ansprand, and afflicted in various ways all who had been connected with the latter by the tie of blood.
He also kept Liutprand the younger son of Ansprand, in custody, but because he regarded him as a
person of no importance and as yet a mere youth, he not only inflicted no punishment at all upon his
body, but let him depart so that he could go to his father. There is no doubt that this was done by the
command of God Almighty who was preparing him for the management of the kingdom. Then Liutprand
proceeded to his father in Bavaria and caused him incalculable joy by his coming. But king Aripert
caused the wife of Ansprand, Theodorada by name, to be seized; and when she with her woman's
wilfulness boasted that she would get to be queen, she was disfigured in the beauty of her face, her nose
and ears being cut off. Also the sister of Liutprand, Aurona by name, was mutilated in like manner.
Chapter XXIII.
At this time in Gaul, in the kingdom of the Franks, Anschis, [1] the son of Arnulf, who is believed to be
named after Anchises the former Trojan, conducted the sovereignty under the title of steward of the
palace.
[1] Or Ansegis. He is to be referred however to an earlier period (Waitz).
Chapter XXIV.
When Ado who we said was caretaker [1] had died at Forum Julii, Ferdulf, a man tricky and conceited,
who came from the territories of Liguria, obtained the dukedom. Because he wanted to have the glory of
a victory over the Slavs, he brought great misfortune upon himself and the people of Forum Julii. He
gave sums of money to certain Slavs to send upon his request an army of Slavs into this province, and it
was accordingly done. But that was the cause of great disaster in this province of Forum Julii. The
freebooters of the Slavs fell upon the flocks and upon the shepherds of the sheep that pastured in their
neighborhoods and drove away the booty taken from them. The ruler of that place, whom they called in
their own language "sculdahis," [2] a man of noble birth and strong in courage and capacity, followed
them, but nevertheless he could not overtake the freebooters. Duke Ferdulf met him as he was returning
thence and when he asked him what had become of these robbers, Argait, for that was his name,
answered that they had escaped. Then Ferdulf in rage thus spoke to him: "When could you do anything
bravely, you whose name, Argait, comes from the word coward," [3] and Argait, provoked by great
anger, since he was a brave man, answered as follows: "May God so will that you and I, duke Ferdulf,
may not depart from this life until others know which of us is the greater coward." When they had
spoken to each other in turn, these words, in the vulgar tongue [4] it happened not many days afterwards,
that the army of the Slavs, for whose coming duke Ferdulf had given his sums of money, now arrived in
great strength. And when they had set their camp upon the very top of a mountain and it was hard to
approach them from almost any side, duke Ferdulf, coming upon them with his army, began to go around
that mountain in order that he could attack them by more level places. Then Argait of whom we have
spoken thus said to Ferdulf: "Remember, duke Ferdulf, that you said I was lazy and useless and that you
called me in our common speech a coward, but now may the anger of God come upon him who shall be
the last of us to attack those Slavs," and saying these words, he turned his horse where the ascent was
difficult on account of the steepness of the mountain, and began to attack the fortified camp of the Slavs.
Ferdulf, being ashamed not to attack the Slavs himself, through the same difficult places, followed him
through those steep and hard and pathless spots, and his army too, considering it base not to follow their
leader, began also to press on after him. Consequently the Slavs, seeing that they were coming upon them
through steep places, prepared themselves manfully, and fighting against them more with stones and axes.
[1] than with arms they threw them nearly all from their horses and killed them. And thus they obtained
their victory, not by their own strength, but by chance. There all the nobility of the Friulans perished.
There duke Ferdulf fell and there too he who had provoked him was killed. And there so great a number
of brave men were vanquished by the wickedness and thoughtlessness of dissension as could, with unity
and wholesome counsel, overthrow many thousands of their enemies. There, however, one of the
Langobards, Munichis by name, who was afterwards the father of the dukes Peter of Forum Julii and
Ursus of Ceneta (Ceneda), alone acted in a brave and manly manner. When he had been thrown from his
horse and one of the Slavs suddenly attacking him had tied his hands with a rope, he wrested with his
bound hands the lance from the right hand of that same Slav, pierced him with it, and tied as he was,
threw himself down through the steep places and escaped. We put these things into this history especially
for this purpose, that nothing further of a like character may happen through the evil of dissension.
[1] VI, Chap. 3, supra.
[2] See the German, 'Schultheiss', local magistrate. They were subordinate to the judges (i.e., the dukes
or the gastaldi). See II, 32, note 4 (pp. 86-91), supra; Pabst, 499.
[3] 'Arga', a Langobard word, meaning cowardly, inert, worthless. See Rothari, Edict, Chapter 381 (M.
G. LL., IV, p. 88), where the word is recognized as conveying a particular insult. ''If one in rage calls
another an 'arga', and he cannot deny it, and says he has called him so in rage, he shall declare upon oath
that he does not hold him for an aiga, and thereupon he shall pay twelve solidi for the offensive word.
But if he insists upon it and says he can prove it in a duel, so let him convict him, if he can, or let him
pay as above."
[4] "Vulgaria verba." Hartmann (II, 2, 58) regards this passage as presupposing that Ferdulf and Argait
could speak Latin with one another. After the permanent settlement of the Langobards in Italy the current
Latin language of the time (which was the only written language, and the only one fitted to many of the
new relations imposed by their intercourse with the Roman population) gradually superseded their own
more barbarous tongue. (Hartmann, II, 2, 22.) It is evident, however, from the German words used by
Paul, as well as from his description of this controversy between duke Ferdulf and Argait, which must
have occurred not far from A.D. 700 (Hodgkin, VI, 328, note 3), that the Langobard language was
spoken in the eighth century, and there are traces of its continuance even after the Frankish invasion,
A.D. 774. In a document in upper Italy the pronoun 'ih' introduced by mistake before the Latin words
"have subscribed myself" indicate the existence of the Langobard as a spoken language in the latter half
of the ninth century. The Chronicle of Salerno, composed in 978 (Ch. 38, MGH. SS., Ill, 489), refers to
the German language as "formerly" spoken by the Langobards, from which it would appear that in that
region at least it had then become extinct. But it is quite uncertain just when it ceased to be used.
Probably the language continued longest where the German population was most dense, and the period
where it died out as a living language must have been preceded by a considerable time, in which those
who spoke it also understood and spoke the Latin tongue. The period of its decline can be traced by
numerous Latin terminations of German words and the addition of German suffixes (for example, engo,
ingo, esco-asco- atto- etio- otto) to Latin words, combinations which have been important ingredients in
the formation of modern Italian (Bruckner, Sprache der Langobarden, pp. 11-17).
[5] 'Securibus'. Hodgkin translates "tree trunks," believing that the axes were used in felling trees to cast
down upon them (VI, 330, and note 3). Book 6
Chapter XXV.
And so duke Ferdulf having died in this way, Corvolus was appointed in his place, but he held the
dukedom only a little while, and when he had offended the king, his eyes were torn out and he lived
ignominiously.
Chapter XXVI.
Afterwards indeed Pemmo acquired the dukedom. [1] He was a man of talent and useful to his country.
His father was Billo who had been a native of Bellunum (Belluno), but on account of a sedition he had
caused at that place he afterwards came to Forum Julii, and lived there peacefully. This Pemmo had a
wife, Ratperga by name, who since she was boorish in appearance often asked her husband to send her
away and take another wife whom it would befit to be the spouse of so great a duke. But as he was a wise
man he said that her behavior and humility and reverent modesty pleased him more than beauty of body.
From this wife then Pemmo begot three sons, Ratchis and Ratchait and Ahistulf, [2] energetic men,
whose birth raised the humility of their mother to high honor. This duke collected all the sons of all the
nobles who had died in the war of which we have spoken, and brought them up in like manner with his
own children as if they themselves had been begotten by him.
[1] De Rubeis (319) thinks this was in 705. He held the dukedom about twenty-six years (Hodgkin, VI,
332).
[2] Ratchis and Aistulf were afterwards kings of the Langobards.
Chapter XXVII.
At this time then, Gisulf the ruler of the Beneventines took Sura (Sora), a city of the Romans, and in like
manner the towns of Hirpinum (Arpino) and Arx (Arce). [1] This Gisulf at the time of Pope John [2]
came to Campania with all his forces burning and plundering, took many captives and set up his camp as
far as in the place which is called Horrea,[3] and no one could resist him. The Pontiff sent priests to him
with apostolic gifts and redeemed all the captives from the hands of his troops, and induced the duke
himself to go back home with his army.
[1] Three towns on or near the river Liris or Garigliano and something over fifty miles southeast of
Rome.
[2] John VI, A. D. 701-704. Others think, John V, A. D. 685 (Waitz).
[3] Hodgkin (VI, 336, note 2) believes that Puteoli is intended - Duchesne, followed by Hartmann (II, 2,
116), says it was a place at the fifth milestone of the Via Latina. It seems uncertain whether one incursion
or more was meant by this chapter of Paul (Id).
Chapter XXVIII.
At this time [1] Aripert king of the Langobards made restitution by gift of the patrimony of the Cottian
Alps [2] which had formerly belonged to the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See but had been taken away
by the Langobards a long time before, and he dispatched this deed of gift written in golden letters to
Rome. Also in these days [3] two kings of the Saxons [4] coming to Rome to the footsteps of the
apostles, died suddenly as they desired.
[1] A. D. 707 (Giansevero).
[2] Paul does not intend to say that this patrimony included the whole province of the Cottian Alps, but
simply that part of the papal patrimony was in that province (Hodgkin, VI, 324, note 2).
[3] This is erroneous, the king's pilgrimage did not occur during the papacy of John VI (701-705), to
whom Aripert made this gift, but in 709 under Constantine I (Jacobi, p. 50; Hodgkin, VI, 323).
[4] Coinred king of the Mercians and Offa prince of the East Saxons (Hodgkin, VI, 323).
Chapter XXIX.
Then also Benedict archbishop of Mediolanum (Milan) came to Rome and conducted his lawsuit for the
church of Ticinum, but he was defeated because from early times the bishops of Ticinum had been
consecrated by the Roman Church. [1] This venerable archbishop Benedict was a man of eminent
holiness, and the fame of good opinion concerning him shone brightly throughout the whole of Italy.
[1] The date of this is fixed by Paul at too early a period (Jacobi, 56).
Chapter XXX.
Then when Transamund, the duke of the Spoletans had died, [1] Faruald his son, succeeded to his father's
place. Moreover, Wachilapus was the brother of Transamund and governed that same dukedom equally
with his brother.
[1] He appears to have reigned forty years from 663 to 703 (Hodgkin, VI, 337).
Chapter XXXI.
But Justinian, who had lost his imperial power and was in exile in Pontus, again received the sovereignty
by the help of Terebellus, king of the Bulgarians, and put to death those patricians who had expelled him.
He took also Leo and Tiberius [1] who had usurped his place and caused them to be butchered in the
midst of the circus before all the people. [2] He tore out the eyes of Gallicinus [3] the patriarch of
Constantinople and sent him to Rome and he appointed Cyrus the abbot who had taken care of him when
he was an exile in Pontus, as bishop in the place of Gallicinus. He ordered Pope Constantine to come to
him, and received him and sent him back with honor. [4] Falling upon the earth he asked the Pope to
intercede for his sins and he renewed all of the privileges of his church. [5] When he sent his army into
Pontus to seize Filippicus, whom he had held there in bondage, this same venerable Pope earnestly
forbade him from doing this but he could not, however, prevent it.
[1] Paul has here misunderstood the language of Rede from whom he took this statement and who said
that Justinian executed Leo (Leontius) and Tiberius (Apsimar) the patricians who had expelled him. No
other patricians are referred to (Jacobi, 50).
[2] Justinian II, who had been exiled to Cherson (see ch. 12, note supra), was rejected by the citizens of
that place, whereupon he roamed through the southern part of Russia and took refuge with the Cagan of
the Khazars, a Hunnish tribe settled around the sea of Azof, and the Cagan gave him in marriage his
sister Theodora. The reigning emperor Tiberius sent messengers to the Cagan offering him great gifts to
kill or surrender Justinian. The Cagan listened to the tempting proposals, but Theodora warned her
husband, who fled to the Danube, where Terbel or Terebellus joined him in an effort to regain the throne.
With the aid of the Bulgarians he attacked and conquered Constantinople. His two rivals, who had
successively reigned in his absence, were now both loaded with chains and brought before his throne in
the Hippodrome where he placed his feet upon their necks before causing them to be beheaded at the
place of public execution (Hodgkin, 365-368).
[3] Callinicus (not Gallicinus) had preached a sermon rejoicing at the overthrow of Justinian ten years
before (Hodgkin, VI, 361).
[4] Constantine left Rome October, 710 (Hodgkin, VI, 375) and returned October, 711 (id., p. 379).
[5] It is probable that the decrees of the Quinisextan Council were now accepted by the pope (Hodgkin,
VI, 378-379).
Chapter XXXII.
The army too which had been sent against Filippicus joined Filippicus' side and made him emperor. He
came to Constantinople against Justinian, fought with him at the twelfth milestone from the city,
conquered and killed him, and obtained his sovereign power. Justinian indeed reigned six years with his
son Tiberius in this second term. [1] Leo in banishing him cut off his nostrils and he, after he had
assumed the sovereignty, as often as he wiped off his hand flowing with a drop of rheum, almost so often
did he order some one of those who had been against him to be slain. [2]
[1] In his insane fury for revenge against the people of Cherson who had rejected him when he was
exiled, Justinian sent three expeditions against that city to destroy it. In the first of these its leading
citizens were seized and sent for punishment to Constantinople, where some were roasted alive and
others drowned ; but Justinian still accused his generals of slackness in executing his orders and sent
others in their places, who were, however, compelled to give up the bloody work, and then for selfprotection to join the party of revolt which gathered around one Bardanis, an Armenian, who was
proclaimed emperor under the name of Filippicus, whereupon an expedition set out for Constantinople to
dethrone Justinian. It was entirely successful. The tyrant was deserted by his subjects, and with his son
Tiberius was captured and slain (Hodgkin, 379-384).
[2] A reign of terror had followed the restoration of Justinian and innumerable victims perished. Some
were sewn up in sacks and thrown into the sea, others invited to a great repast and when they rose to
leave were sentenced to execution (Hodgkin, VI,369). He was specially infuriated against the city of
Ravenna and sent a fleet thither under the patrician Theodore, seized the chief men of the city, brought
them to Constantinople, blinded the archbishop Felix, and put the rest to death (pp. 373-374). Justinian
then sent as exarch to Italy John Rizokopus, who went first to Rome and put to death a number of papal
dignitaries and then proceeded to Ravenna, where in a struggle with the local forces he was killed. The
people of Ravenna refused to recognize Justinian, and chose a leader of their own in the person of
Georgius, who organized an autonomous government and established a military organization in Italy
independent of Byzantium (Hartmann, II, 2, 78-81). Book 6
Chapter XXXIII.
In these days then, when the patriarch Peter was dead, Serenus undertook the government of the church
of Aquileia. [1] He was a man endowed with a simple character and devoted to the service of Christ.
[1] It was afterwards, at the request of king Liutprand, that pope Gregory II sent the pallium of a
metropolitan to Serenus, bishop of Aquileia Pandolo, VII, 2, 13, see Muratori Rer. Ital. Script. XII, 131 ;
Chronicle of John the Deacon, p. 96, Monticolo). Dissensions arose between the patriarchs of Aquileia
and Grado, and Gregory wrote to Serenus warning him not to pass beyond the bounds of the Langobard
nation and trespass upon Grado (Hodgkin, 466-467). The scat of the patriarch was subsequently
removed, first to Cormons, and after Serenus had died and Calixtus had succeeded him (see Ch. 51,
infra), to Cividale.
Chapter XXXIV.
But Filippicus indeed, who was called Bardanis, after he was confirmed in the imperial dignity, ordered
that Cyrus, of whom we have spoken, should be turned out of his patriarchate and return to Pontus, to
govern his monastery. This Filippicus dispatched letters of perverted doctrine to pope Constantine which
he, together with a council of the Apostolic See, rejected, [1] and on account of this affair he caused
pictures to be made in the portico of St. Peter representing the transactions of the six holy general
councils. For Filippicus had ordered that pictures of this kind which were in the imperial city, should be
carried away. The Roman people determined that they would not take the name of the heretical emperor
upon their documents, nor his likeness upon their coins. Hence his image was not brought into the
church, nor was his name mentioned in the solemnities of the mass. When he had held the sovereignty
one year and six months, Anastasius, who was also called Artemius, rising against him, expelled him
from the sovereignty and deprived him of his eyes, but did not however kill him. [2] This Anastasius sent
letters to Rome to pope Constantine by Scolasticus, the patrician and exarch of Italy, in which he
declared himself to be an adherent of the Catholic church and an acknowledger of the Sixth Holy
Council.
[1] The authorities disagree and the passage is not clear. Perhaps a partial council, summoned by the
Pope, is meant. Filippicus declared in favor of the Monotheletes, who had been condemned by the Sixth
(Ecumenical Council at Constantinople (Giansevero).
[2] A.D. 713 (Hodgkin, VI, 386).
Chapter XXXV.
Then after Ansprand had been in exile in Bavaria for now nine full years, in the tenth year, after Teutpert
was at last prevailed upon, (to make war) the commander of the Bavarians came with his army to Italy
and fought with Aripert and there occured a great slaughter of the people on both sides. But although at
last, night broke off the battle, it is certain that the Bavarians had turned their backs and that the army of
Aripert had returned as a victor to its camp. But since Aripert was unwilling to remain in camp and
preferred to go into the city of Ticinum, by this act he brought despair upon his own people and boldness
upon his adversaries, and after he had returned to the city and had felt that he had offended his army by
this deed, he presently took advice that he should flee to France and carried with him from the palace as
much gold as he thought useful to him. And when weighted down with the gold, he attempted to swim
across the river Ticinus, he sank there and, choked with the waters, expired. His body was found on the
following day, was cared for in the palace and was thence brought forth to the church of our Lord the
Saviour which the former Aripert had built, and was there buried. In the days when he held the kingly
power, Aripert, going forth at night, and proceeding to one place and another, inquired for himself what
was said about him by particular cities, and diligently investigated what kind of justice the various judges
rendered to the people. When the ambassadors of foreign nations came to him, he wore in their presence
mean garments and those made of skins, and in order that they should not form designs against Italy he
never offered them precious wines nor delicacies of other kinds. He reigned moreover with his father
Ragimpert, and alone, up to the twelfth year. He was also a religious man, given to charities and a lover
of justice. [1] In his days there was very great fertility of the land, but the times were barbarous. His
brother Gumpert then fled to France and remained there to the day of his death. He had three sons, of
whom the eldest one, Ragimpert by name, governed the city of Aureliani (Orleans) in our own days.
After the death of this Aripert, Ansprand obtained possession of the kingdom of the Langobards [2] but
reigned only three months. He was a man distinguished in all ways and very few were to be compared
with him in wisdom. When the Langobards become aware of his approaching death they set his son
Liutprand on the royal throne [3] and when Ansprand, while he was living, heard this he greatly rejoiced.
[4]
[1] Paul's estimate of Aripert's character is evidently too favorable.
[2] Thus a new dynasty came to the throne. The descendants of Theudelinda were set aside and ended
their lives in the kingdom of the Franks (Hartmann, II, 2, 125).
[3] June 12, 712 (Pabst, 474).
[4] Ansprand was buried in Pavia in the chapel of Adrian the martyr which he is said to have built. Waitz
gives his epitaph.
Chapter XXXVI.
At this time the emperor Anastasius dispatched a fleet to Alexandria against the Saracens. His army was
turned to another purpose, and in the midst of its journey came back to the city of Constantinople, and
hunting up the orthodox Theodosius, chose him as emperor and when he was put by force upon the
throne of the empire, confirmed him. This Theodosius conquered Anastasius in a severe battle at the city
of Nicea, and having imposed an oath upon him, caused him to be ordained a churchman and a presbyter.
When Anastasius received the sovereignty, he presently put up in its former place in the imperial city that
revered picture in which the holy councils were painted and which had been torn down by Filippicus. In
these days the river Tiber had such an inundation that having overflowed its bed it did many injuries to
the city of Rome so that it rose in the Via Lata to one and a half times the height of a man, and from the
gate of St. Peter to the Molvian bridge [1] the waters all mingled together as they flowed down.
[1] The Pons Mulvius (now the Ponte Molle) was built by the censor M. Aemilius Scaurus, B.C. 109.
Chapter XXXVII.
In these times, by the inspiration of Divine Love, many of the nobles and common people, men and
women, dukes and private persons of the nation of the Angles were in the habit of coming from Britain to
Rome. Pipin [1] at that time obtained the sovereignty in the kingdom of the Franks. He was a man of
astonishing boldness who instantly crushed his foes in attacking them. For he crossed the Rhine and with
only one of his attendants he fell upon a certain adversary of his and killed him with his followers in his
bedchamber where he lived. He also courageously waged many wars with the Saxons and especially with
Ratpot, king of the Frisians. He had also a number of sons but among these Charles, who succeeded him
afterwards in the sovereignty, was the most distinguished.
[1] The father of Charles Martel (Abel).
Chapter XXXVIII.
But when king Liutprand had been confirmed in the royal power, [1] Rothari, a blood relation of his,
wished to kill him. He prepared therefore a banquet for him in his home at Ticinum, in which house he
hid some very strong men fully armed who were to kill the king while he was banqueting. When this had
been reported to Liutprand he ordered Rothari to be called to his palace, and feeling him with his hand he
discovered, as had been told him, a cuirass put on under his clothing. [2] When Rothari found out that he
was detected, he straightway leaped backwards and unsheathed his sword to strike the king. On the other
hand the king drew forth his own sword from his scabbard. Then one of the king's attendants named
Subo, seizing Rothari from behind, was wounded by him in the forehead, but others leaping upon Rothari
killed him there. Four of his sons indeed who were not present were also put to death in the places where
they were found. King Liutprand was indeed a man of great boldness so that when two of his armorbearers thought to kill him and this had been reported to him, he went alone with them into a very deep
wood and straightway holding against them his drawn sword he reproached them because they had
planned to slay him and urged them to do it. And straightway they fell at his feet and confessed all they
had plotted. And he also did this thing in like manner with others, but nevertheless he presently pardoned
those who confessed even a crime of such great wickedness.
[1] A.D. 712 (Hodgkin, VI, 389). By this confirmation the usurpation of the new dynasty of Ansprand
was recognized (Hartmann, II, 2, 125).
[2] The story of Grimuald and Godepert seems to be here repeated with a slight variation.
Chapter XXXIX.
Then when Gisulf, the duke of the Beneventines had died, Romuald his son undertook the government of
the people of the Samnites.
Book 6
Chapter XL.
About these times Petronax, a citizen of the city of Brexia (Brescia) spurred by the love of God, came to
Rome and then by the exhortation of Pope Gregory of the Apostolic See, proceeded to this fortress of
Cassinum; [1] and when he came to the holy remains of the blessed father Benedict he began to dwell
there with certain honest men who were already living there before. And they appointed this same
venerable man Petronax as their superior, and not long afterwards, with the aid of Divine Mercy and
through favor of the merits of the blessed father Benedict, after the lapse of about a hundred and ten years
from the time when that place had become destitute of the habitation of men, he became there the father
of many monks of high and low degree who gathered around him, and he began to live, when the
dwellings were repaired, under the restraint of the Holy Rule of the Order and the institutions of the
blessed Benedict, and he put this sacred monastery in the condition in which it is now seen. At a
subsequent time Zacharias, Chief of Priests and Pontiff beloved by God, bestowed many useful things
upon this venerable man Petronax, namely the books of Holy Scripture and all sorts of other things that
relate to the service of a monastery and moreover he gave him with fatherly piety the Rule of the Order
which the blessed father Benedict had written with his own holy hands.[2] The monastery indeed of the
blessed martyr Vincent, which is situated near the source of the river Vulturnus and is now celebrated for
its great community of monks, was then already founded by three noble brothers, that is, Tato, Taso and
Paldo, as the writings of the very learned Autpert, abbot of this monastery show, in the volume which he
composed on this subject. While the blessed Pope Gregory indeed [3] of the Roman See was still living,
the fortress of Cumae was taken by the Langobards of Beneventum, but when night came on, certain of
the Langobards were captured and others were killed by the duke of Naples; also the fortress itself was retaken by the Romans. For the ransom of this fortress the Pontiff gave seventy pounds of gold as he had
promised in the first place. [4]
[1] Paul wrote this at Monte Cassino.
[2] Afterwards burned A. D. 896 (Waltz).
[3] Gregory II.
[4] A.D. 717. The recapture of this place did not occur at once as Paul's account seems to indicate, but the
duke of Naples was urged to the act by the Pope who promised and paid him the socalled ransom
(Hodgkin, VI, 442).
Chapter XLI.
Meanwhile the emperor Theodosius, who had ruled the empire only one year, having died, [1] Leo was
substituted as emperor in his place.[2]
[1] An error. Theodosius did not die but was deposed (Waitz).
[2] Leo the Isaurian, the great iconoclastic emperor, born about 670, was appointed to a place in the lifeguards of Justinian II, and was afterwards sent on a desperate mission to the Alans in the Caucasus where
he showed great courage and ingenuity. Anastasius, the successor of Justinian appointed him general of
the forces of Anatolia in Asia Minor where he kept the Saracens at bay. Theodosius III who succeeded
Anastasius was considered incompetent to defend Constantinople against the Saracens and in 716 Leo
was raised to the throne (Hodgkin, VI, 425, 426).
Chapter XLII.
Among the people of the Franks, after Pipin had been released from life, his son Charles [1] of whom we
have spoken took the sovereignty from the hand of Raginfrid only by means of many wars and struggles.
For when he was held in prison he was set free by God's command and escaped and at first he began two
or three times a struggle against Raginfrid with a few men and at last overcame him in a great battle at
Vinciacum (Vincy). [2] Nevertheless he gave him one city to dwell in, that is, Andegavi (Angers) [3]
while he himself undertook the government of the whole nation of the Franks.[4]
[1] Charles Martel.
[2] Near Cambray.
[3] In this statement Paul is not supported by other authorities and he is not well informed in Frankish
history (Jacobi, 43).
[4] His title was not that of king but mayor of the palace; during the latter part of his life however there
was no king. He was the real founder of the Arnulfing or Carolingian dynasty, and his son Pipin assumed
the title of king (Hodgkin, VI, 421, 422).
Chapter XLIII.
At this time king Liutprand confirmed to the Roman Church the gift of the patrimony of the Cottian Alps,
and not long afterwards the same ruler took in marriage Guntrut, the daughter of Teutpert, duke of the
Bavarians [1] with whom he had lived in exile, and from her he begot one daughter only.
[1] The policy of the Bavarian dynasty, as to friendly relations with the Catholic church and with the
neighboring Bavarians was continued by Liutprand. This marriage however afterwards led to other
complications. After Teutpert's death, his brother Grimoald attempted to rob his son Hucbert of the
sovereignty. Charles Martel, who had established his dominion over the Frankish kingdom, now seized
the opportunity to restore his own suzerainty over the Bavarian dukedom, while Liutprand (probably
about 725) invaded the Bavarian territories and pushed forward the boundaries of the Langobard kingdom
up to Magias or Mais, by Meran. Charles also married Suanahild, a Bavarian princess, and thus became
the brother-in-law of Liutprand, and the friendship between these sovereigns was firmly established
(IJartmann, II, 2, 125).
Chapter XLIV.
During these times Faroald, duke of the Spoletans, attacked Classis, a city of the Ravenna people, but by
command of king Liutprand it was restored to these same Romans. Against this duke Faroald his own son
Transamund revolted and usurped his place and made him a churchman. [1] In these days Teudo, duke of
the nation of the Bavarians came for the purpose of devotion to Rome to the foot steps of the holy
apostles. [2]
[1] A.D. 724(Waitz; Pabst, 469, note 2).
[2] A.D. 716 (Waitz). He had divided his dominion among his four sons. One of his granddaughters had
married Liutprand and another Charles Martel (Hodgkin, VI, 440).
Chapter XLV.
When then at Forum Julii (Cividale) the patriarch Screnus had been taken away from human affairs,
Calixtus, a distinguished man who was archdeacon of the church of Tarvisium (Treviso) received through
the efforts of king Liutprand the government of the church of Aquileia. At this time as we said, Pemmo
ruled the Langobards of Forum Julii. When he had now brought to the age of early manhood those sons of
the nobles whom he had reared with his own children, suddenly a messenger came to him to say that an
immense multitude of Slavs was approaching the place which is called Lauriana. [1] With those young
men, he fell upon the Slavs for the third time, and overthrew them with a great slaughter, nor did any one
else fall on the part of the Langobards than Sicuald, who was already mature in age. For he had lost two
sons in a former battle, which occured under Ferdulf, and when he had avenged himself upon the Slavs a
first and a second time according to his desire, the third time, although both the duke and the other
Langobards forbade it, he could not be restrained but thus answered them: " I have already revenged
sufficiently," he says, " the death of my sons and now if it shall happen, I will gladly receive my own
death." And it so happened, and in that fight he only was killed. Pemmo, indeed, when he had overthrown
many of his enemies, fearing lest he should lose in battle any one more of his own, entered into a treaty of
peace with those Slavs in that place. And from that time the Slavs began more to dread the arms of the
Friulans.
[1] Supposed to be the village of Spital near Villach (Waitz) on the Urave in Carinthia (Waitz). This
seems quite uncertain.
Chapter XLVI.
At that time the nation of the Saracens, passing over from Africa in the place which is called Septem
(Ceuta), invaded all Spain. [1] Then after ten years they came with their wives and children and entered
the province of Aquitaine in Gaul so as to inhabit it. Charles, [2] indeed, had then a quarrel with Eudo,
prince of Aquitaine, but they joined together and fought by common consent against those Saracens. The
Franks attacked them and killed three hundred and seventy-five thousand of the Saracens, while on the
side of the Franks only fifteen hundred fell there. Eudo also with his followers fell upon their camp and in
like manner killed many and ravaged everything. [3]
[1] The first invasion of Spain by Tank was in the year 711, before Ansprand returned from his exile in
Bavaria. It was in 721, nine years after the accession of Liutprand, that having conquered Spain, the
Saracens were defeated by Eudo of Aquitaine at Toulouse (Hodgkin, VI, 418, 419).
[2] Charles Martel.
[3] Jacobi (43) believes that Paul has here combined two battles in one, the victory of Eudo over the
Saracens at Toulouse in 721 and the battle of Poictiers in 732. The latter battle, however, appears to be
indicated, for Eudo, after his victory at Toulouse, had been vanquished by the Saracens, and it would
seem that the remnant of his troops shared with those of Charles Martel the victory of Poictiers (Hodgkin,
VI, 419, 420).
Book 6
Chapter XLVII.
Also at this time this same nation of Saracens came with an immense army, surrounded Constantinople
and besieged it continually for three years but when the citizens with great fervor cried to God, many (of
the invaders) perished by hunger and cold, by war and pestilence, and thus, exhausted by the siege, they
departed. [1] When they had gone thence they attacked in war the nation of the Bulgarians beyond the
Danube but they were overcome also by them and took refuge in their ships. When they sought the high
sea a sudden tempest attacked them and very many also perished by drowning and their ships were
dashed to pieces. Within Constantinople, indeed, three hundred thousand men perished by pestilence.
[1] Hartmann says (II, 2, 85) the siege lasted one year, A.D. 717-718.
Chapter XLVIII.
Liutprand also, hearing that the Saracens had laid waste Sardinia and were even defiling those places
where the bones of the bishop St. Augustine had been formerly carried on account of the devastation of
the barbarians and had been honorably buried, sent and gave a great price and took them and carried
them over to the city of Ticinum and there buried them with the honor due to so great a father. In these
days the city of Narnia (Narni) was conquered by the Langobards. [1]
[1] Probably by the duke of Spoleto (Hodgkin, VI, 444).
Chapter XLIX.
At this time king Liutprand besieged Ravenna and took Classis and destroyed it. [1] Then Paul the
patrician sent his men out of Ravenna to kill the Pope, but as the Langobards fought against them in
defense of the Pope and as the Spoletans resisted them on the Salarian bridge [2] as well as the Tuscan
Langobards from other places, the design of the Ravenna people came to nought. At this time the
emperor Leo burned the images of the saints placed in Constantinople and ordered the Roman pontiff to
do the like if he wished to have the emperor's favor, but the pontiff disdained to do this thing. Also the
whole of Ravenna and of Venetia [3] resisted such commands with one mind, and if the pontiff had not
prohibited them they would have attempted to set up an emperor over themselves. [4] Also king
Liutprand attacked Feronianum (Fregnano), Mons Bellius (Monteveglio), Buxeta (Busseto) and Persiceta
(San Giovanni in Persiceto), Bononia (Bologna) [5] and the Pentapolis [6] and Auximun (Osimo) [7]
fortresses of Emilia. And in like manner he then took possession of Sutrium (Sutri) [8] but after some
days it was again restored to the Romans.[9] During the same time the emperor Leo went on to worse
things so that he compelled all the inhabitants of Constantinople either by force or by blandishments, to
give up the images of the Saviour and of his Holy Mother and of all the saints wherever they were, and
he caused them to be burned by fire in the midst of the city. And because many of the people hindered
such a wickedness from being done, some of them were beheaded and others suffered mutilation in body.
As the patriarch Germanus did not consent to this error he was driven from his see and the presbyter
Anastasius was ordained in his place.
[1] Probably not later than A. U. 725 (Hodgkin, VI, 444, note 3).
[2] A bridge on the Salarian way, over the Anio (Hodgkin, VI, 448).
[3] This word is the plural, "the Venices," for there were then two, land Venice, mostly under the
Langobards, and sea Venice, under Ravenna. (See opening words of the Chronicon Venetum by John the
Deacon, Monticolo's ed., p. 59.)
[4] To understand this controversy we must return to the time of Gregory I. The weakness of the
Byzantine empire and its inability to protect its Italian subjects from the Langobards, combined with the
growth of the administrative powers of the Pope throughout the extensive domains of the church, gave
the papacy more and more a political character. Gregory extended this influence; he even attempted to
make a separate peace with the Langobards, an act which was resented by the emperor Maurice. The
people of Italy began to look to the Pope for protection, and there were aspirations for independence
from the Eastern Empire and for a re-establishment of the Empire of the West. The usurpation of the
exarch Eleutherius and the subsequent rebellion of Olympius which was supported by Pope Martin I, as
well as the revolt of Ravenna under Georgius, all show this separatist tendency. Ecclesiastical differences
such as the assumption of the title of Universal Bishop by the patriarch of Constantinople, the
Monothelete controversy, the Type, the imprisonment of Pope Martin, etc., accentuated the irritation of
the West. Constantine Pogonatus, indeed, like some of his predecessors, had adopted a policy of
friendship with the papacy, and also concluded a definitive treaty with the Langobards, fixing the
boundaries of the Langobard and Roman dominions. But after this peace was made, the Langobards
became subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Pope and it became the interest of the Roman See
to play the emperor and the Langobard king against each other in favor of its own greater power and
independence. (Hartmann, Atti del Congresso in Cividale, 1899, pp. 153 to 162). When Leo the Isaurian
mounted the throne, he was recognized at Ravenna, but an insurrection broke out against him in Sicily,
which, however, was soon suppressed. But his heavy hand was felt in Rome in his efforts to collect from
church property the means for carrying on his contests against the Saracens. Gregory II, a man of great
ability, then occupied the papal chair and resisted his exactions, whereupon plots were laid by imperial
officers to depose and perhaps to assassinate the Pope. Then came the conflict in regard to the worship of
images, a practice which had gradually grown in the church and which Leo determined to eradicate. In
725 he issued a decree for their destruction. The work was begun with energy at Constantinople, all
opposition was stamped out with great severity and a popular insurrection, as well as an attack upon the
city by a rebellious fleet was suppressed with a strong hand. In Rome, however, his efforts were not
successful, and when in 727 the order for the destruction of the images was renewed, Gregory armed
himself against the emperor. The people now elected dukes for themselves in different parts of Italy and
proposed to elect a new emperor, but the Pope restrained them, not wishing perhaps to have an emperor
close at his side or possibly fearing a greater danger from the Langobards. Italy was distracted by internal
struggles, the Pope, aided by the Spoletans and Beneventans, prevailed, and the exarch Paul was killed.
Upon his death the eunuch Eutychius was appointed to succeed him. He landed at Naples and sent a
private messenger to Rome instructing his partisans to murder the Pope and the chief nobles, but the
people assembled, anathematized Eutychius and bound themselves to live or die with the Pope. Then
Eutychius turned for aid to the Langobards, and Liutprand, who had at first favored the Pope and the
Italian revolutionary movement and had improved the occasion to seize a number of the possessions of
the empire, now changed his policy and formed a league with the exarch to subject Spoleto and
Benevento to his own dominion and enable the exarch to control the city of Rome. The king first
marched to Spoleto where he took hostages and oaths of fidelity, then he moved to Rome and encamped
on the plain of Nero close to the city. The Pope came forth to meet him, attended by his ecclesiastics and
Liutprand fell before him and took off his mantle, his doublet, his sword and spear, crown and cross, and
laid them in the crypt before the altar of St. Peter. In spite of these manifestations of reverence, however,
Liutprand insisted upon a reconciliation between the Pope and the exarch which put a limit to the Italian
movement toward independence and to the political aspirations of the papacy, and in great measure
restored the power of the exarch—although in the controversy regarding the destruction of images, in
which the people took a passionate interest, the emperor Leo was never able to impose his will upon his
subjects in Italy. In other matters too, local self-government had made great progress during the various
revolutionary movements and nowhere more than in the islands of the Venetian lagoons, where the new
settlements made by the fugitives from the mainland, had now assumed a semi-independent character
under the doges or dukes of Venice, who in Liutprand's time made treaties with the Langobard king
(defining the boundaries of each) and (regulating the intercourse between the two communities.)
Liutprand also made a treaty with Comacchio, the rival of Venice in the commerce on the Po. It is
surprising that these events should have been omitted by Paul, especially as they are referred to in the
Liber Pontificalis, one of his sources. It shows the incomplete character of this last book of Paul's
unfinished history. Gregory II died in 731, but his successor Gregory III pursued the same policy in
respect to the emperor's edict for the destruction of the images. He convened a council attended by the
archbishops of Grado and Ravenna and ninety-three Italian bishops, with other clergy and laity, which
anathematized all who took part in the work of destruction. The emperor now withdrew from the
jurisdiction of the Roman See all the dioceses east of the Adriatic, as well as those in Sicily, Bruttium
and Calabria, and made them subject to Constantinople, and the rich and important papal possessions in
the three last-named provinces were confiscated. The portions of Italy still subject to the empire became
now divided into three parts - 1st, southern Italy and Sicily, more directly subject to the central authority
of Constantinople; and the duchy of Rome, which, subject to papal influence, gradually became more and
more independent; and 3rd, the immediate exarchate of Ravenna, which conducted for a short time a
desperate struggle for existence (Hartmann, II, 2, 85-114 ; Hodgkin, VI, 432-436). After king Liutprand
had attained his purpose in regard to the dukedoms of Spoleto and Benevento, his unnatural alliance with
the exarch came to an end. A Roman army under Agatho, duke of Perugia, attacked Bologna, which was
in possession of the Langobards, and was defeated (Ch. 54, infra), and Liutprand captured Ravenna itself
(A.D. 732 - 3), though the city was afterwards re-taken by the Venetians (see Hartmann, II, 2,
132—133).
[5] Tregnano is west of the Hanaro (Hodgkin VI, 454, note l); Monteveglio is west, and San Giovanni in
Persiceto is a little northwest of Bologna (id.).
[6] Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Sinigaglia and Ancona.
[7] Near Ancona.
[8] A. D. 728-729 (Jacobi, 58). It is a place about 25 miles northwest of Rome.
[9] Liutprand took it from the empire, but in restoring it put it into the possession of the pope, who was
then at the head of the independent movement in Italy (Hartmann, II, 2, 96-97). Book 6
Chapter L.
Romoald then, duke of Beneventum, chose a wife Gumperga, by name, who was the daughter of Aurona,
king Liutprand's sister. From her he begot a son whom he called by the name of his father, Gisulf. He had
again after her another wife, Ranigunda by name, the daughter of Gaiduald, duke of Brexia (Brescia).
Chapter LI.
At the same time a grievous strife arose between duke Pemmo and the patriarch Calixtus and the cause of
this discord was the following: Fidentius, bishop of the Julian fortress (Julium Carnicum) [1] came on a
former occasion and dwelt within the walls of the fortress of Forum Julii (Cividale) and established there
the see of his bishopric with the approval of the former dukes. When he departed from life, Amator was
ordained bishop in his place. Up to that day indeed, the former patriarchs had their see, not in Forum
Julii, but in Cormones (Cormons) because they had not at all been able to dwell in Aquileia on account of
the incursions of the Romans. It greatly displeased Calixtus who was eminent for his high rank that a
bishop dwelt in his diocese with the duke and the Langobards and that he himself lived only in the
society of the common people. Why say more? He worked against this same bishop Amator and expelled
him from Forum Julii and established his own dwelling in his house. For this cause duke Pemmo took
counsel with many Langobard nobles against this same patriarch, seized him and brought him to the
castle of Potium, [2] which is situated above the sea, and wanted to hurl him thence into the sea but he
did not at all do this since God prohibited. He kept him, however, in prison and nourished him with the
bread of tribulation. King Liutprand hearing this was inflamed with great rage, and taking away the
dukedom from Pemmo, appointed his son Ratchis in his place. Then Pemmo arranged to flee with his
followers into the country of the Slavs, but Ratchis his son besought the king and reinstated his father in
the monarch's favor. Pemmo then, having taken an assurance that he would suffer no harm, proceeded to
the king with all tlhe Langobards with whom he had taken counsel. Then the king, sitting in judgement,
pardoned for Ratchis' sake Pemmo and his two sons, Ratchait and Aistulf, and ordered them to stand
behind his chair. The king, however, in a loud voice ordered that all those who had adhered to Pemmo,
naming them, should be seized. Then Aistulf could not restrain his rage and attempted to draw his sword
and strike the king but Ratchis his brother prevented him. And when these Langobards were seized in
this manner, Herfemar, who had been one of them, drew his sword, and followed by many, defended
himself manfully and fled to the church of the blessed Michael and then by the favor of the king he alone
secured impunity while the others were for a long time tormented in bonds.
[1] Now Zuglio, a town north of Tolmezzo (Hodgkin, VI, 41, note 2).
[2] Not identified. Giansevero believes it was the castle of Duino.
Chapter LII.
Then Ratchis having become duke of Forum Julii as we have said, invaded Carniola (Krain), the country
of the Slavs, with his followers, killed a great multitude of Slavs and laid waste everything belonging to
them. Here when the Slavs had suddenly fallen upon him and he had not yet taken his lance from his
armor-bearer, he struck with a club that he carried in his hand the first who ran up to him and put an end
to his life.
Chapter LIII.
About these times Charles the ruler of the Franks dispatched his son Pipin to Liutprand that the latter
should take his hair according to custom. And the king, cutting his hair, became a father to him and sent
him back to his father enriched with many royal gifts. [1]
[1] This friendship between the royal houses of the Franks and the Langobards had been the traditional
policy since Agilulfs time and had been of great advantage to both kingdoms (Hartmann, II, 2, 137).
Chapter LIV.
During the same time the army of the Saracens again entering into Gaul made much devastation. Charles
giving battle against them not far from Narbo (Narbonne) overthrew them in the same manner as before
with the greatest slaughter. [1] Again the Saracens invaded the boundaries of the Gauls, came as far as
Provincia (Provence), took Arelate (Aries) and destroyed everything around it. [2] Then Charles sent
messengers with gifts to king Liutprand and asked assistance from him against the Saracens and he
without delay hastened with the whole army of the Langobards to his assistance. [3] The nation of the
Saracens when they learned this, presently fled away from those regions and Liutprand with his whole
army returned to Italy. [4] The same ruler waged many wars against the Romans in which he was always
the victor except that once in his absence his army was defeated in Ariminum (Rimini), and at another
time, when at the village of Pilleum, a great multitude of those who were bringing small presents and
gifts to the king and the blessings of particular churches were attacked and killed or captured by the
Romans while the king was stopping in the Pentapolis. Again when Hildeprand the nephew of the king
and Peredeo the duke of Vincentia (Vicenza) got possession of Ravenna, the Venetians suddenly
attacked them. Hildeprand was taken by them and Peredeo fell fighting manfully. [5] At a subsequent
period [6] also, the Romans, swollen with their accustomed pride, assembled on every side under the
leadership of Agatho, duke of the Perugians, and came to seize Bononia (Bologna), where Walcari,
Peredeo and Rotcari were then staying in camp, but the latter rushed upon the Romans, made a great
slaughter of them and compelled those who were left to seek flight.
[1] A.D. 737 (Waitz).
[2] The Frankish writers have related nothing of this. It seems doubtful whether a new incursion of the
Saracens was meant inasmuch as they occupied Aries in A.D. 737 (Waitz).
[3] Jacobi says (p. 44) that Paul has arbitrarily changed the history of this campaign. The Chron. Moiss.
(MG. SS. I 292) states that Charles Martel on the news of the invasion of the Saracens into Provence, by
which Aries, Avignon, and other places fell into their hands, marched against them, drove them back
over the Rhone, besieged Narbonne, and without raising the siege, defeated a second army of the Arabs
approaching for the relief of the city. Paul out of this makes two campaigns. In the first, the Saracens
invaded Gaul and were defeated by Charles not far from Narbonne; in the second, they devastated
Provence and took Aries, whereupon Charles called upon Liutprand for help and the fame of his name
frightened the enemy.
[4] A.D. 737 (Hodgkin, VI, 475).
[5] This confused chapter in which Peredeo (unless it be some other of the same name) afterwards comes
to life again, has been considered to indicate that Ravenna had been taken by the Langobards and was
recovered by the Venetians. These Venetians were still a feeble community. Their chief towns were not
on the site that Venice now occupies, but in other parts of the lagoons, at Heraclea, Equilium, and
Metamaucus. The present city on the Rialto was not founded until nearly seventy years after the death of
Liutprand (Hodgkin, VI, 484, 485), notwithstanding Venetian traditions to the contrary. The tribunes
who had originally ruled the different islands had been superseded by a single doge or duke who may
have been originally an official selected by the emperor or the exarch. After the reigns of three doges the
infant community remained for five years subject to "Masters of Soldiery " who were elected annually;
then the dogeship was restored. John the Deacon who wrote near the end of the tenth century says
(Monticolo's edition, Chronache Veneziane Antichissime, p. 95), that during the administration of
Jubianus one of these Masters of Soldiery (A. D. 731-735), the exarch (probably Eutychius), came to
Venetia and entreated the Venetians to help him guard and defend his own city, which Hildeprand,
nephew of Liutprand, and Peredeo, duke of Vicenza had captured; that the Venetians hastened to
Ravenna; that Hildeprand was captured, Peredeo fell and the city was handed over to the exarch
(Hodgkin, VI, 487, 488).
[6] Probably in a preceding period since Peredeo is mentioned (Waitz).
Chapter LV.
In these days Transamund rebelled against the king, and when the king came upon him with his army,
Transamund himself repaired to Rome in flight. Hilderic was appointed in his place. [1] When indeed
Romuald the younger, duke of the Beneventines, died, [2] after he had held the dukedom six and twenty
years, there remained Gisulf his son, who was still a little boy. Some conspirators rose against him and
sought to destroy him, but the people of the Beneventans who were always faithful to their leaders, slew
them and preserved the life of their duke. [3] Since this Gisulf was not yet fit to govern so great a people
on account of his boyish age, king Liutprand, then coming to Beneventum, took him away from thence
and appointed his own nephew Gregory as duke at Beneventum, with whom a wife, Giselperga by name,
was united in marriage. [4] Matters being thus arranged, king Liutprand returned to his own seat of
government and bringing up his nephew Gisulf with fatherly care, he united to him in marriage
Scauniperga, born from a noble stock. At this time the king himself fell into a great weakness and came
near to death. When the Langobards thought that he was departing from life they raised as their king his
nephew Hildeprand, [5] at the church of the Holy Mother of God, which is called "At the Poles" outside
the walls of the city. When they handed to him the staff as is the custom, a cuckoo bird came flying and
sat down on the top of the staff. Then to certain wise persons it appeared to be signified by this portent
that his government would be useless. King Liutprand indeed when he had learned this thing did not
receive it with equanimity, yet when he became well of his illness he kept him as his colleague in the
government. When some years had elapsed from this time, Transamund, who had fled to Rome, returned
to Spoletum, [6] killed Hilderic and again undertook the daring project of rebellion against the king.
[1] It would seem that duke Transamund of Spoleto about the year 737 or 738 had taken the castle of
Gallese from the Romans and had thereby interrupted the communication between Ravenna and Rome.
Gregory III, realizing how valuable would be an alliance with the duke and how dangerous he was as an
enemy, offered a large sum of money for the restitution of Gallese and for a treaty binding him to make
no war upon the Pope. Transamund made the treaty and restored the place, whereupon the duchy of
Benevento also joined the alliance. This was contrary to Liutprand's policy of conquest and expansion,
and the king, for this and perhaps other causes, treated Transamund as a rebel and traitor, and on June 16,
739 we find Liutprand in possession of Spoleto (Hartmann, II, 2, 137-138). After he had appointed
Hilderic he marched on Rome where Transamund had taken refuge, and as Gregory refused to give up
the fugitive, the king took four frontier towns, Ameria (Amelia), Horta (Orte), Polimartium (Bomarzo)
and Blera (Bieda). Gregory now wrote to Charles Martel, king of the Franks, telling him of the sufferings
of the church and exhorting him to come to its aid. But Charles was the friend of Liutprand and refused
(Hodgkin, 475—478). Transamund recovered Spoleto in 740 but he now refused to restore the four cities
taken by Liutprand and the Pope withdrew his aid (id., 479-480). Before Liutprand set forth to recover
Spoleto again Gregory III died and was succeeded in the papal chair by Zacharias, who had an interview
with the king, who promised to surrender the four towns, whereupon the Roman army joined him and
Transamund was forced to give up Spoleto (see Ch. 57, infra).
[2] A.D. 731 or 732 (Hartmann, II, 132).
[3] Catalogue of Beneventan dukes preserved at Monte Cassino shows that one Audelais, probably a
usurper, reigned for two years after Romuald II (Hodgkin, VI, 471).
[4] Gregory ruled Benevento 73210 739 (id.). IIilderic's appointment in Spoleto occurred about the time
of Gregory's death or afterwards (Hodgkin, VI, 475).
[5] A.D. 735 (Hodgkin, VI, 473). The election of Hildcprand actually preceded the rebellion of
Transamund, and Paul has inverted these events (Waitz ; Pabst, 478, note 5).
[6] December, 740. Supported by the army of the dukedom of Rome and by the Beneventines
(Hartmann, II, 2, 139). Book 6
Chapter LVI.
But Gregory when he had managed the dukedom at Beneventum seven years was released from life.
After his death Godescalc was made duke [1] and governed the Beneventines for three years, and to him
a wife, Anna by name, was united in marriage. Then king Liutprand hearing these things concerning
Spoletum and Beneventum, again advanced with his army to Spoletum. When he came to the Penlapolis,
while he was proceeding from Fanum (Fano) [2] to the City of Forum Simphronii (Fossombrone), [3] in
the wood which is between these places, the Spoletans uniting with the Romans brought great disasters
on the king's army. The king placed duke Ratchis and his brother Aistulf with the Friulans in the rear; the
Spoletans and Romans fell upon them and wounded some of them, but Ratchis with his brother and some
other very brave men, sustaining all that weight of the battle and fighting manfully, killed many and
brought themselves and their followers from thence except as I said the few who were wounded. There a
certain very brave man of the Spoletans named Berto cried out to Ratchis by name, and came upon him
clothed in full armor. Ratchis suddenly struck him, and threw him from his horse. And when his
companions attempted to kill the man, Ratchis with his accustomed magnanimity allowed him to get
away, and the man crawling upon his hands and feet entered the forest and escaped. Two other very
strong men of Spoleto indeed came up behind Aistulf on a certain bridge, whereupon he struck one of
them with the blunt end of his spear and hurled him down from the bridge and suddenly turning upon the
other, killed him and plunged him into the water after his companion.
[1] A.D. 740. Without the nomination or approval of the king (Hartmann, II, 2, 138).
[2] On the Adriatic coast northwest of Ancona.
[3] In the March of Ancona.
Chapter LVII.
But Liutprand indeed when he reached Spoletum drove Transamund from the ducal power and made him
a churchman, [1] and in his place he appointed Agiprand his own nephew. When he hastened to
Beneventum, Godescalc having heard of his approach, endeavored to embark in a ship and flee to
Greece. After he had put his wife and all his goods in the ship and attempted himself, last of all, to
embark, the people of Beneventum who were faithful to Gisulf, fell upon him and he was killed. His wife
indeed was carried to Constantinople with everything she possessed.
[1] After Transamund had been reinstated in the duchy of Spoleto the Pope called upon him to perform
his part of the engagement upon which Gregory had supported him, namely, to restore to Roman
dominion the four fortified places which had been taken by the Langobards, but Transamund refused.
About this time (at the end of the year 741) Gregory III died, and was succeeded in the papal chair by
Zacharias. The new pope now asked the king to restore the four places, and offered to support him with a
Roman army in recovering Spoleto. The king agreed, and in the spring of 742 advanced with his army, as
related in the text, deposed Transamund with the aid of the Romans, and then proceeded to Benevento
(Hartmann, II, 2, pp. 139, 140).
Chapter LVIII.
Then king Liutprand, arriving at Beneventum, [1] appointed his nephew Gisulf duke again in the place
which had belonged to him. [2] And when matters were thus arranged he returned to his palace. [3] This
most glorious king built many churches in honor of Christ in the various places where he was
accustomed to stay. He established the monastery of St. Peter which was situated outside the walls of the
city of Ticinum and was called the "Golden Heaven." He built also on the top of Bardo's Alp a monastery
which is called "Bercetum." [4] He also established in Olonna, his suburban manor, a dwelling to Christ
of wonderful workmanship in honor of the holy martyr Anastasius, and in it also he made a monastery. In
like manner too he established many churches to God in different places. Within his palace also he built a
chapel of our Lord the Saviour and he appointed priests and churchmen to perform for him daily divine
services, which no other kings had had. In the time of this king there was in the place whose name is
Forum [5] (Foro di Fulvio), near the river Tanarus, (Tanaro) a man of wonderful holiness Baodolinus by
name, who, aided by the grace of Christ, was distinguished for many miracles. He often predicted future
events and told of absent things as if they were present. Finally when king Liutprand had gone to hunt in
the City Forest, one of his companions attempted to hit a stag with an arrow and unintentionally wounded
the king's nephew, that is, his sister's son, Aufusus by name. When the king saw this he began with tears
to lament his misfortune, for he loved that boy greatly, and straightway he sent a horseman of his
followers to run to Baodolinus the man of God, and ask him to pray to Christ for the life of that boy. And
while he was going to the servant of God, the boy died. And when he came to him the follower of Christ
spoke to him as follows: "I know for what cause you are coming, but that which you have been sent to
ask cannot be done since the boy is dead." When he who had been sent had reported to the king what he
had heard from the servant of God, the king, although he grieved, because he could not have the
accomplishment of his prayer, nevertheless clearly perceived that Baodolinus the man of God had the
spirit of prophecy. A man not unlike him, Teudelapius by name, also lived at the city of Verona, who
among other wonderful things which he performed, predicted also in a prophetic spirit many things
which were to happen. In that time also their flourished in holy life and in good works, Peter, bishop of
the church of Ticinum, who, because he was a blood relative of the king had been driven into exile at
Spoletum by Aripert who was formerly king. To this man, when he attended the church of the blessed
martyr Savinus, that same venerable martyr foretold that he would be bishop at Ticinum, and afterwards
when this occurred, he built a church to that same blessed martyr Savinus upon his own ground in that
city. This man, among the other virtues of an excellent life which he possessed, was also distinguished as
adorned with the flower of virgin chastity. A certain miracle of his which was performed at a later time
we will put in its proper place. [6] But Liutprand indeed after he had held the sovereignty thirty one years
and seven months, already mature in age, completed the course of this life, [7] and his body was buried
in the church of the blessed martyr Adrian [8] where his father also reposes. He was indeed a man of
much wisdom, very religious and a lover of peace, shrewd in counsel, powerful in war, merciful to
offenders, chaste, modest, prayerful in the night-watches, generous in charities, ignorant of letters indeed,
yet worthy to be likened to philosophers, a supporter of his people, an increaser of the law.[9] At the
beginning of his reign he took very many fortresses of the Bavarians. He relied always more upon
prayers than upon arms, and always with the greatest care kept peace with the Franks and the Avars. [10]
[1] About 742 (Waitz).
[2] Gisulf II reigned for ten years, outliving Liutprand (Hodgkin, VI, 472). He conformed to the policy of
Liutprand, who had restored him to his dukedom (Hartmann, II, 2, 141).
[3] After Liutprand had recovered control of Spoleto and Benevento he delayed restoring the frontier
cities to the duchy of Rome (VI, 55, note supra), and Pope Zacharias set forth with a train of ecclesiastics
to Terni, where the king resided, for a personal interview, as a result of which the four cities were
restored, with other territory, and a peace was concluded for twenty years. But in the following year
Liutprand resumed his preparations for the conquest of Ravenna, and Zacharias, at the request of the
exarch, journeyed to Pavia to the king, and in a second interview entreated him to desist. Liutprand
reluctantly consented to restore the country districts around Ravenna and two-thirds of the territory of
Cesena, and to grant a truce until the king's emissaries should return from Constantinople, whither they
had gone for the purpose of concluding a final treaty. This interview was one of the last public acts of
Liutprand, whose ambition for the unification of Italy was thus at the last moment apparently renounced.
Possibly the near approach of death and his consciousness of the impossibility of his schemes of
conquest being realized by his successor may have led to their abandonment (IIartmann, II, 2, 144, 145 ;
Hodgkin, 491-498).
[4] Or, more correctly, Liutprand endowed this monastery, which had been built before (Waitz).
[5] Today Valenza, near Alessandria (Giansevero).
[6] Paul died before this history was completed, and no account of this miracle appears.
[7] A.D. 744 (Hartmann, II, 2, 146).
[8] He was afterwards buried in another church (San Pietro in Cielo d" Oro). See epitaph in Waitz.
[9] 0n the first of March of each year during fifteen out of the thirty-one years of his reign, Liutprand, by
the advice of his judges (and no longer under the sanction of a popular assembly), issued certain laws to
settle matters not provided for by his predecessors. He claims that these laws were framed by divine
inspiration, "because the king's heart is in the hand of God." The laws of Liutprand were written in Latin
so barbarous as to be almost incomprehensible. They show a great change in the social life of the
Langobards. We no longer find provisions in regard to hunting and falconry, but instead, there are
enactments providing for the enforcement of contracts and the foreclosure of mortgages. The fine paid
for murder is superseded by absolute confiscation of the offender's property, and if that property is
insufficient, the murderer is handed over to the heirs of the murdered man as a slave. Some of these laws
mention the fact that they refer to Langobards only, and one law concerning scribes ordains that those
who write deeds, whether according to the laws of the Langobards or those of the Romans, must not
write them contrary to these laws, thus indicating that at least a part of the population was governed to
some extent by Roman law. (Hodgkin, VI, 392-399). It would be a necessary result of the peace made at
different times between Langobards and Romans that the civil rights of Romans who lived in the
Langobard territory should be recognized, which was not the case in the earlier days of Langobard
domination (Hartmann, II, 2, 2—4). Under Liutprand's laws if a Roman married a Langobard woman she
lost her status, and the sons born in such a union were Romans like their father and had to live by his
laws. There were many laws against oppressions by the king's agents, and heavy penalties were imposed
upon judges who delayed judgment. The barbarous wager of battle was continued, but somewhat
restricted, for it was said, "We are uncertain about the judgment of God, and we have heard of many
persons unjustly losing their cause by wager of battle, but on account of the custom of our nation of the
Langobards we cannot change the law itself.'' There were severe laws against soothsayers and against
certain forms of idolatry. (Hodgkin, VI, 400—407). A number of the later provisions of Langobard laws
must be traced to Roman influence (Hartmann, II, 2-29). There is a question how far the Langobards
supplanted the Romans and how far their institutions superseded those of the Romans. The great
preponderance of the Latin over the Germanic ingredients in the Italian tongue today and the survival of
Roman laws and institutions down to the present time seems to indicate that the Roman population and
civilization greatly outweighed that of the Langobards. (See Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts
im Mittelalter, I, p. 398.)
[10] The constant object of Liutprand's policy, at least until his final interview with pope Zacharias, was
the unification of Italy under his own scepter, though the means he took for the accomplishment of this
object varied with the occasion. For this purpose the friendship of the Frankish king was necessary and
this he constantly maintained, aiding Charles Martel against the Saracens without claiming any territorial
concessions at his hands. The principal objects of Liutprand's aggressions during the greater part of his
career were the duchies of Spoleto and Benevento so far as these aspired to independent sovereignty; also
the Eastern Empire, though he allied himself with the exarch when he found it necessary for the purpose
of reducing the duchies to submission. The Catholic church and the papacy were protected by him, and
he encouraged the movement in favor of the autonomy of Italy against Byzantium, until the pope
identified himself with the rebellious dukes. Even then Liutprand's opposition to the papacy remained
always of a political, and not of a religious character (Hartmann, II, 2, 125, 126). He encouraged the
culture as well as the religion of Rome, and his aim was to rule ultimately over a civilized, as well as a
Catholic Italy. He adapted himself to general as well as local currents of popular opinion, as is seen in the
fact that he retained in his laws the trial by battle while expressing his own disbelief in its justice and that
he gave to Benevento and to Friuli rulers of their own princely lines, after he had subjugated them to his
authority. He always recognized the limits of possible achievement, and did not, like his successor
Aistulf, contend madly against the inevitable. He was an efficient administrator and an able legislator as
well as a courageous and successful warrior. And yet this really great statesman, like his distinguished
Ostrogothic predecessor Theodoric, could neither read nor write (Hartmann, II, 2, 127).
Paul's last book contains many grammatical errors and faults of construction. It was more carelessly
written than the preceding portions of the work, and being the last book of an unfinished history, it is
itself somewhat incomplete.
It is greatly to be regretted that Paul's work ceases at the very place where, independently of other
sources, he could have told his story in great part out of the rich abundance of his own experience. From
his position toward the last Langobard princes on the one side and their Frankish conquerors and the
church upon the other, he possessed the highest qualifications for writing an impartial contemporary
history of the overthrow of the Langobard kingdom, yet for this period, the most pregnant of all in its
results on general history, we have only the meager accounts of the Frankish authorities, and the papal
writings which are filled with partisan spirit. The most important source for the last half century of the
Langobard kingdom is found in the lives of the Roman popes, composed by members of the Roman
court, mostly contemporaneous, and collected by Anastasius in the second half of the ninth century.
Besides these we have the letters of the popes to the Frankish kings and such authorities as the Chronicle
of the monk Benedict of Soracte, the Legend of St. Julia, the legendary Life of Saints Amelius and
Amiens, and the Chronicles of Novalese and Salerno (Abel, p. xxiv to xxvi).
Our knowledge of the last days of the Langobard kingdom is therefore very fragmentary and great care is
required even in the use of the slender materials we have. No adequate explanation is given in them for
the extraordinary fact that a powerful and freedom-loving people, fifty years after it had reached the
summit of its power under king Liutprand, was overthrown and became the spoil of its Frankish
neighbor.
A closer investigation shows that this was due to the lack of any proper law of succession to the
Langobard throne, to the absence of sufficient cohesive power in the monarchy, to the intractable
character of the Langobard nobles, to increasing difficulties with the church, and to the civil disturbances
and quarrels occasioned by all these causes. After the time of Gregory I, the independence of the papacy
and its desire for temporal power greatly increased, while the authority of the Greek empire over its
scattered Italian possessions grew constantly weaker. Charles Martel was bound to Liutprand by
friendship and by the need of aid against the Saracens, but after Liutprand's death the relations between
the Franks and the Langobards became more strained. (Abel, xxvii, et seq.) Liutprand's successor,
Hildeprand, did not possess sufficient skill either to conciliate the adherents of the Pope or to control his
Langobard subjects. Duke Transamund was reinstated in Spoleto, and soon the most powerful Langobard
leader in the north, duke Ratchis of Friuli, was chosen king by his dependents, and Hildeprand was
deposed after a reign of only eight months. Ratchis, whose diplomatic character had been shown in his
career under Liutprand, now concluded a twenty years' truce with Rome, but from some cause unknown
to us, difficulties afterwards arose, and he found himself constrained to attack the Pentapolis and to lay
siege to Perugia. The Pope came from Rome with a train of followers, visited the camp of Ratchis, and in
a personal interview induced him to desist from his undertaking. This subserviency to papal influence,
however, aroused the contempt of his own nobles and followers, who in Milan, in June, 749, chose as
their king his younger brother Aistulf, a man of headstrong and unyielding character, whereupon Ratchis
became a monk in the cloister of Monte Cassino. Aistulf now began a career of conquest, capturing
Comacchio and Ferrara, and within two years from his accession, Ravenna, the capital of the exarchate,
was in his hands. Then he pushed on to Rome, and thus gave occasion to the coalition between the
papacy and the Frankish kingdom, which ultimately led to the overthrow of the Langobard dominion.
(Hartmann, II, 2, 146-151.) Owing to the weakness of the empire and to the theological and other
differences between Rome and Byzantium, the practical separation of the West from the East was already
far advanced, and the spiritual influence of the pontiff over the countries of the West, stimulated by
reforms in the church and by numerous pilgrimages to Rome from Britain and other countries, was
becoming very powerful. Charles Martel had been succeeded by Pipin, who desired to change his title of
Mayor of the Palace (where he reigned in the name of a helpless Merovingian monarch) to that of king,
and who wished to secure the recognition of his new title, not only by the chiefs and nobles of his realm,
but also by the church and by the Roman empire. Accordingly he sent an embassy to Rome to enquire of
the Pope whether it was proper that in the kingdom of the Franks there should be kings who possessed no
kingly power, and the Pope answered, as had been anticipated, that it would be better that he who had the
power should be the monarch. Pipin now assumed that he was called to the sovereignty by apostolic
authority. The Franks assembled at Soissons and chose him as their king, and he ascended the throne in
November, 751, while the last Merovingian monarch was sent to a cloister. The papacy had thus
rendered the new Frankish king a most important service, and now when it found itself in peril from the
Langobards it was natural that a return should be solicited. In June, 752, when Aistulf with his army
threatened Rome, Stephan, who had succeeded Zacharias in the papacy, secretly sent a message to Pipin
imploring him to send ambassadors to that city to conduct the Pope to the kingdom of the Franks. Not
long afterwards an imperial messenger from Constantinople brought word to Stephan that the emperor
could send no help, but he commanded the Pope to seek a personal interview with the Langobard king
and induce him if possible to relinquish his designs. In the meantime Pipin's ambassadors had come to
conduct the Pope to the Frankish king, and in October, 753, Stephan, in company with these, as well as
the imperial representatives, proceeded to Aistulf, who had withdrawn from Rome and was then at Pavia,
his own capital city. He refused, however, to abate his pretentions or to restore any of the territory he had
taken from the empire. The emissaries of the Frankish king now requested Aistulf to dismiss the Pope
that he might go with them to Pipin. Aistulf fell into a fury at the prospect of his plans being thwarted by
a combination with the Franks, but he did not venture to restrain the Pope and thus bring on an inevitable
conflict. Stephan proceeded upon his journey, and Pipin, after an assembly of the Frankish kingdom had
ratified his policy, agreed to restore, not to the emperor, but to the representative of St. Peter, the
territories that had been seized by the Langobard king. Pipin and his two suns, Charles and Carloman,
were now consecrated by the Pope, and the Frankish nobles bound themselves under pain of
excommunication to choose no sovereign from any other line. The Frankish authorities relate that the
king and his sons were at the same time made patricians, which was an imperial rank, and implied a
recognition of their title at Constantinople. (Hartmann, 3, 176 - 187.) This title may have been granted in
accordance with a previous understanding with the emperor or his representatives, but if so the empire
subsequently derived little advantage from the act.
The league between Pipin and the Pope was thus sealed by the mutual exchange of possession that
belonged to neither, since Stephan gave Pipin the crown of the Merovingians, and the king promised the
Pope the territories which had belonged to the empire (Abel, xxviii, xxix). The king accordingly set out
with his army for Italy; defeated Aistulf near the foot of the Alps and laid siege to Pavia, whereupon the
Langobard king agreed to restore Ravenna and the rest of the conquered territory and to comply with the
Pope's demands. But scarcely had the Franks left Italy when he repudiated his promises, and in January,
756 he renewed his attack upon Rome. Again Stephan implored and secured the intervention of the
Franks, again Aistulf was defeated and besieged in his capital city and again Pipin "gave him his life and
his kingdom," but upon condition that Aistulf should not only restore the captured territory, but should
give to the Franks one-third of the royal treasure in Pavia besides other gifts, and pay an annual tribute of
twelve thousand solidi. Aistulf did not long survive this last humiliation, he died in December, 756
(Hartmann, II, 2, 189 to 197), from an accident while hunting. His brother Ratchis now forsook his
monastery, and was recognized as king by the Langobards north of the Apennines, while Desiderius, a
duke in Tuscia, set up his own pretensions to the throne and the Spoletans and Beneventans joined the
league of the Pope with the Frankish king. Ratchis appeared to have the advantage of Desiderius until the
latter appealed to Stephan, who required from him an oath to surrender the cities belonging to the empire
and to live in peace with Rome and faithful to the Frankish kingdom. Upon these terms Stephan agreed
to support his pretensions; he now became undisputed king and Ratchis again retired. Faenza and Ferrara
however were the only territories he had surrendered when Stephan died and was succeeded by his
brother Paul, whereupon Desiderius, far from fulfilling his promises, pushed forward with his army
through the papal Pentapolis into Spoleto, treated its duke as a rebel, expelled the duke of Benevento and
put his own son-in-law Arichis into the vacant place. He raised difficulties in respect to the boundaries of
the places to be ceded, but by Pipin's intervention a compromise was effected by which the Pope
renounced his claim upon the territories not yet surrendered, and Desiderius agreed to recognize the
Pope's authority over his Italian possessions and to protect him against an attack from his own nominal
sovereign the emperor (Hartmann, II, 2, 206-215).
In 768 Pipin died and was succeeded by his sons Charles and Carloman, whose mother Bertrada sought
an alliance with the Bavarians and the Langobards, and asked for the hand of the daughter of Desiderius
for Charles. In 771 Carloman died, whereupon Charles seized his brother's share of the kingdom,
repudiated the marriage planned for him by his mother and sent back the daughter of Desiderius. The
widow and children of Carloman were now taken under the protection of the Langobard monarch, and
deadly hatred arose between the two sovereigns. Desiderius now seized Faenza, Ferrara and Comacchio
and pushed forward into the territories of Ravenna and Rome. Hadrian, who then occupied the papal
throne, urgently besought Charlemagne for immediate aid. Charlemagne traversed the passes of the Alps,
marched against Desiderius and laid siege to Pavia. In June, 774, the city was taken, Desiderius was led
into captivity and the kingdom of the Langobards was destroyed. Charlemagne was afterwards crowned
Emperor of the West and the temporal power of the papacy over a region in the middle of Italy was
permanently established (Abel, xxvii to xxix). Grievous consequences have followed the division of that
peninsula into fragments which have continued almost to the present time; and the dream of Italian unity
cherished by Rothari and Liutprand was not to be realized until the days of Victor Emmanuel, Cavour
and Garibaldi.
Latin Text
Liber I
Eques Langobardicus
Incipit liber primus.
1. Septemtrionalis plaga quanto magis ab aestu solis remota est et nivali frigore gelida, tanto salubrior corporibus hominum et propagandis est gentibus coaptata; sicut econtra omnis meridiana regio, quo solis est fervori vicinior, eo semper morbis habundat et educandis minus est apta mortalibus. Unde fit, ut tantae populorum multitudines arctoo sub axe oriantur, ut non inmerito universa illa regio Tanai tenus usque ad occiduum, licet et propriis loca in ea singula nuncupentur nominibus, generali tamen vocabulo Germania vocitetur; quamvis et duas ultra Rhenum provincias Romani, cum ea loca occupassent, superiorem inferioremque Germaniam dixerint. Ab hac ergo populosa Germania saepe innumerabiles captivorum turmae abductae meridianis populis pretio distrahuntur. Multae quoque ex ea, pro eo quod tantos mortalium germinat, quantos alere vix sufficit, saepe gentes egressae sunt, quae nihilominus et partes Asiae, sed maxime sibi contiguam Europam afflixerunt. Testantur hoc ubique urbes erutae per totam Illyricum Galliamque, sed maxime miserae Italiae, quae paene omnium illarum est gentium experta saevitiam. Gothi siquidem Wandalique, Rugi, Heruli atque Turcilingi, necnon etiam et aliae feroces et barbarae nationes e Germania prodierunt. Pari etiam modo et Winilorum, hoc est Langobardorum, gens, quae postea in Italia feliciter regnavit, a Germanorum populis originem ducens, licet et aliae causae egressionis eorum asseverentur, ab insula quae Scadinavia dicitur adventavit.
2. Cuius insulae etiam Plinius Secundus in libris quos De natura rerum conposuit, mentionem facit. Haec igitur insula, sicut retulerunt nobis qui eam lustraverunt, non tam in mari est posita, quam marinis fluctibus propter planitiem marginum terras ambientibus circumfusa. Intra hanc ergo constituti populi dum in tantam multitudinem pullulassent, ut iam simul habitare non valerent, in tres, ut fertur, omnem catervam partes dividentes, quae ex illis pars patriam relinquere novasque deberet sedes exquirere, sorte perquirunt.
3. Igitur ea pars, cui sors dederat genitale solum excedere exteraque arva sectari, ordinatis super se duobus ducibus, Ibor scilicet et Aione, qui et germani erant et iuvenili aetate floridi et ceteris praestantiores, ad exquirendas quas possint incolere terras sedesque statuere, valedicentes suis simul et patriae, iter arripiunt. Horum erat ducum mater nomine Gambara, mulier quantum inter suos et ingenio acris et consiliis provida; de cuius in rebus dubiis prudentia non minimum confidebant.
4. Haud ab re esse arbitror, paulisper narrandi ordinem postponere, et quia adhuc stilus in Germania vertitur, miraculum, quod illic apud omnes celebre habetur, sed et quaedam alia, breviter intimare. In extremis circium versus Germaniae finibus, in ipso Oceani litore, antrum sub eminenti rupe conspicitur, ubi septem viri, incertum ex quo tempore, longo sopiti sopore quiescunt, ita inlaesis non solum corporibus, sed etiam vestimentis, ut ex hoc ipso, quod sine ulla per tot annorum curricula corruptione perdurant, apud indociles easdem et barbaras nationes veneratione habeantur. Hi denique, quantum ad habitum spectat, Romani esse cernuntur. E quibus dum unum quidam cupiditate stimulatus vellet exuere, mox eius, ut dicitur, brachia aruerunt, poenaque sua ceteros perterruit, ne quis eos ulterius contingere auderet. Videris, ad quod eos profectum per tot tempora providentia divina conservet. Fortasse horum quandoque, quia non aliter nisi Christiani esse putantur, gentes illae praedicatione salvandae sunt.
5. Huic loco Scritobini, sic enim gens illa nominatur, vicini sunt. Qui etiam aestatis tempore nivibus non carent, nec aliud, utpote feris ipsis ratione non dispares, quam crudis agrestium animantium carnibus vescuntur; de quorum etiam hirtis pellibus sibi indumenta coaptant. Hi a saliendo iuxta linguam barbaram ethimologiam ducunt. Saltibus enim utentes, arte quadam ligno incurvo ad arcus similitudinem feras assequuntur. Apud hos est animal cervo non satis absimile, de cuius ego corio, ut fuerat pilis hispidum, vestem in modum tunicae genu tenus aptatam conspexi, sicut iam fati, ut relatum est, Scritobini, utuntur. Quibus in locis circa aestivale solstitium per aliquot dies etiam noctu clarissima lux cernitur, diesque ibi multo maiores quam alibi habentur; sicut e contrario circa brumale solstitium, quamvis diei lux adsit, sol tamen ibi non videtur, diesque minimi, quam usquam alibi, noctes quoque longiores existunt; quia scilicet, quanto magis a sole longius disceditur, tanto sol ipse terrae vicinior apparet et umbrae longiores excrescunt. Denique in Italia, sicut et antiqui scripserunt, circa diem Natalis Domini novem pedes in umbra staturae humanae hora sexta metiuntur. Ego autem in Gallia Belgica in loco qui Totonis villa dicitur constitutus, status mei umbram metiens, decem et novem et semis pedes inveni. Sic quoque contrario modo, quanto propinquius meridiem versus ad solem acceditur, tantum semper umbrae breviores videntur, in tantum ut solstitio aestivali, respiciente sole de medio caeli, in Aegypto et Hierosolimis et in eorum vicinitate constitutis locis nullae videantur umbrae. In Arabia vero hoc ipso tempore sol supra medium caeli ad partem aquilonis cernitur, umbraeque versa vice contra meridiem videntur.
6. Nec satis procul ab hoc de quo praemisimus litore, contra occidentalem partem, qua sine fine Oceanum pelagus patet, profundissima aquarum illa vorago est, quam usitato nomine maris umbilicum vocamus. Quae bis in die fluctus absorbere et rursum evomere dicitur, sicut per universa illa litora accedentibus ac recedentibus fluctibus celeritate nimia fieri comprobatur. Huiusmodi vorago sive vertigo a poeta Virgilio Carybdis appellatur; quam ille in freto Siculo esse suo in carmine loquitur, hoc modo dicens:
Dextrum Scylla latus, laevum implacata Carybdis
Obsidet, atque imo baratri ter gurgite vastos
Sorbet in abruptum fluctus, rursusque sub auras
Erigit alternos, et sidera verberat unda.
Ab hac sane de qua diximus vertigine saepe naves raptim cursimque adtrahi adfirmantur tanta celeritate, ut sagittarum per aera lapsus imitari videantur; et nonnumquam in illo baratro horrendo nimis exitu pereunt. Saepe cum iam iamque mergendae sint, subitis undarum molibus retroactae, tanta rursus agilitate exinde elongantur, quanta prius adtractae sunt. Adfirmant, esse et aliam huiusmodi voraginem inter Brittaniam insulam Galliciamque provinciam; cui etiam rei adstipulantur Sequanicae Aquitaniaeque litora; quae bis in die tam subitis inundationibus opplentur, ut, qui fortasse aliquantulum introrsus a litore repertus fuerit, evadere vix possit. Videas earum regionum flumina fontem versus cursu velocissimo relabi ac per multorum milium spatia dulces fluminum lymphas in amaritudinem verti. Triginta ferme a Sequanico litore Evodia insula milibus distat. In qua, sicut ab illius incolis adseveratur, vergentium in eandem Carybdin aquarum garrulitas auditur. Audivi quendam nobilissimum Gallorum referentem, quod aliquantae naves prius tempestate convulsae, postmodum ab hac eadem Carybdi voratae sunt. Unus autem solummodo ex omnibus viris qui in navibus illis fuerant, morientibus ceteris, dum adhuc spirans fluctibus supernataret, vi aquarum labentium abductus, ad oram usque inmanissimi illius baratri pervenit. Qui cum iam profundissimum et sine fine patens chaos aspiceret, ipsoque pavore praemortuus se illuc ruiturum exspectaret, subito, quod sperare non poterat, saxo quodam superiectus insedit. Decursis siquidem iam omnibus quae sorbendae erant aquis, orae illius fuerant margines denu dati; dumque ibi inter tot angustias anxius vix ob metum palpitans resideret, dilatamque ad modicum mortem nihilominus opperiretur, conspicit ecce subito quasi magnos aquarum montes de profundo resilire navesque, quae absortae fuerant, primas emergere. Cumque una ex illis ei contigua fieret, ad eam se nisu quo potuit adprehendit; nec mora, celeri volatu prope litus advectus, metuendae necis casus evasit, proprii postmodum periculi relator exsistens. Nostrum quoque, id est Adriaticum, mare, quod licet minus, similiter tamen Venetiarum Histriaeque litora pervadit, credibile est, parvos huiusmodi occultosque habere meatus, quibus et recedentes aquae sorbeantur et rursum invasurae litora revomantur. His ita praelibatis, ad coeptam narrandi seriem redeamus.
7. Igitur egressi de Scadinavia Winili, cum Ibor et Aione ducibus, in regionem quae appellatur Scoringa venientes, per annos illic aliquot consederunt. Illo itaque tempore Ambri et Assi Wandalorum duces vicinas quasque provincias bello premebant. Hi iam multis elati victoriis, nuntios ad Winilos mittunt, ut aut tributa Wandalis persolverent, aut se ad belli certamina praepararent. Tunc Ibor et Aio, adnitente matre Gambara, deliberant, melius esse armis libertatem tueri, quam tributorum eandem solutione foedare. Mandant per legatos Wandalis, pugnaturos se potius quam servituros. Erant siquidem tunc Winili universi iuvenili aetate florentes, sed numero perexigui, quippe qui unius non nimiae amplitudinis insulae tertia solummodo particula fuerint.
8. Refert hoc loco antiquitas ridiculam fabulam: quod accedentes W andali ad Godan victoriam de Winilis postulaverint, illeque responderit, se illis victoriam daturum quos primum oriente sole conspexisset. Tunc accessisse Gambaram ad Fream, uxorem Godan, et Winilis victoriam postulasse, Freamque consilium dedisse, ut Winilorum mulieres solutos crines erga faciem ad barbae similitudinem componerent maneque primo cum viris adessent seseque a Godan videndas pariter e regione, qua ille per fenestram orientem versus erat solitus aspicere, collocarent. Atque ita factum fuisse. Quas cum Godan oriente sole conspiceret, dixisse: «Qui sunt isti longibarbi?». Tunc Fream subiunxisse, ut quibus nomen tribuerat victoriam condonaret. Sicque Winilis Godan victoriam concessisse. Haec risu digna sunt et pro nihilo habenda. Victoria enim non potestati est adtributa hominum, sed de caelo potius ministratur.
9. Certum tamen est, Langobardos ab intactae ferro barbae longitudine, cum primitus Winili dicti fuerint, ita postmodum appellatos. Nam iuxta illorum linguam lang longam, bard barbam significat. Wotan sane, quem adiecta littera Godan dixerunt, ipse est qui apud Romanos Mercurius dicitur et ab universis Germaniae gentibus ut deus adoratur; qui non circa haec tempora, sed longe anterius, nec in Germania, sed in Grecia fuisse perhibetur.
10. Winili igitur, qui et Langobardi, commisso cum Wandalis proelio, acriter, utpote pro libertatis gloria, decertantes, victoriam capiunt. Qui magnam postmodum famis penuriam in eadem Scoringa provincia perpessi, valde animo consternati sunt.
11. De qua egredientes, dum in Mauringam transire disponerent, Assipitti eorum iter impediunt, denegantes eis omnimodis per suos terminos transitum. Porro Langobardi cum magnas hostium copias cernerent neque cum eis ob paucitatem exercitus congredi auderent, dumque quid agere deberent decernerent, tandem necessitas consilium repperit. Simulant, se in castris suis habere cynocephalos, id est canini capitis homines. Divulgant apud hostes, hos pertinaciter bella gerere, humanum sanguinem bibere et, si hostem adsequi non possint, proprium potare cruorem. Utque huic adsertioni fidem facerent, ampliant tentoria plurimosque in castris ignes accendunt. His hostes auditis visisque creduli effecti, bellum quod minabantur iam temptare non audent.
12. Habebant tamen apud se virum fortissimum, de cuius fidebant viribus, posse se procul dubio obtinere quod vellent. Hunc solum pro omnibus pugnaturum obiciunt. Mandant Langobardis, unum quem vellent suorum mitterent, qui cum eo ad singulare certamen exiret, ea videlicet conditione, ut, si suus bellator victoriam caperet, Langobardi itinere quo venerant abirent; sin vero superaretur ab altero, tunc se Langobardis transitum per fines proprios non vetituros. Cumque Langobardi, quem e suis potius adversus virum bellicosissimum mitterent, ambigerent, quidam ex servili conditione sponte se optulit, promittit se provocanti hosti congressurum, ea ratione, ut, si de hoste victoriam caperet, a se suaque progenie servitutis naevum auferrent. Quid plura? Gratanter quae postularat sese facturos pollicentur. Adgressus hostem, pugnavit et vicit; Langobardis transeundi facultatem, sibi suisque, ut optaverat, iura libertatis indeptus est.
13. Igitur Langobardi tandem in Mauringam pervenientes, ut bellatorum possint ampliare numerum, plures a servili iugo ereptos ad libertatis statum perducunt. Utque rata eorum haberi possit ingenuitas, sanciunt more solito per sagittam, inmurmurantes nihilominus ob rei firmitatem quaedam patria verba. Egressi itaque Langobardi de Mauringa, applicuerunt in Golandam, ubi aliquanto tempore commorati, dicuntur post haec Anthab et Banthaib, pari modo et Vurgundaib, per annos aliquot possedisse; quae nos arbitrari possumus esse vocabula pagorum seu quorumcumque locorum.
14. Mortuis interea Ibor et Agione ducibus, qui Langobardos a Scadinavia eduxerant et usque ad haec tempora rexerant, nolentes iam ultra Langobardi esse sub ducibus, regem sibi ad ceterarum instar gentium statuerunt. Regnavit igitur super eos primus Agelmund, filius Agionis, ex prosapia ducens originem Gungingorum, quae apud eos generosior habebatur. Hic, sicut a maioribus traditur, tribus et triginta annis Langobardorum tenuit regnum.
15. His temporibus quaedam meretrix uno partu septem puerulos enixa, beluis omnibus mater crudelior in piscinam proiecit necandos. Hoc si cui impossibile videtur, relegat historias veterum, et inveniet, non solum septem infantulos, sed etiam novem unam mulierem semel peperisse. Et hoc certum est maxime apud Aegyptios fieri. Contigit itaque, ut rex Agelmund, dum iter carperet, ad eandem piscinam deveniret. Qui cum equo retento miserandos infantulos miraretur hastaque, quam manu gerebat, huc illucque eos inverteret, unus ex illis iniecta manu hastam regiam conprehendit. Rex misericordia motus factumque altius ammiratus, eum magnum futurum pronuntiat. Moxque eum a piscina levari praecepit, atque nutrici traditum omni cum studio mandat alendum; et quia eum de piscina, quae eorum lingua lama dicitur, abstulit, Lamissio eidem nomen inposuit. Qui cum adolevisset, tam strenuus iuvenis effectus est, ut et bellicosissimus extiterit et post Agelmundi funus regni gubernacula rexerit. Ferunt hunc, dum Langobardi cum rege suo iter agentes ad quendam fluvium pervenissent et ab Amazonibus essent prohibiti ultra permeare, cum earum fortissima in fluvio natatu pugnasse eamque peremisse, sibique laudis gloriam, Langobardis quoque transitum paravisse. Hoc siquidem inter utrasque acies prius constitisse, quatenus, si Amazon eadem Lamissionem superaret, Langobardi a flumine recederent; sin vero a Lamissione, ut et factum est, ipsa vinceretur, Langobardis eadem permeandi fluenta copia praeberetur. Constat sane, quia huius assertionis series minus veritate subnixa est. Omnibus etenim quibus veteres historiae notae sunt, patet, gentem Amazonum longe antea, quam haec fieri potuerint, esse deletam; nisi forte, quia loca eadem, ubi haec gesta feruntur, non satis historiographis nota fuerunt et vix ab aliquo eorum vulgata sunt, fieri potuerit, ut usque ad id tempus huiuscemodi inibi mulierum genus haberetur. Nam et ego referri a quibusdam audivi, usque hodie in intimis Germaniae finibus gentem harum existere feminarum.
16. Igitur transmeato Langobardi de quo dixeramus flumine, cum ad ulteriores terras pervenissent, illic per tempus aliquod commorabantur. Interea cum nihil adversi suspicarentur et essent quiete longa minus solliciti, securitas, quae semper detrimentorum mater est, eis non modicam perniciem peperit. Noctu denique cum neglegentia resoluti cuncti quiescerent, subito super eos Vulgares inruentes, plures ex eis sauciant, multos prosternunt, et in tantum per eorum castra debacchati sunt, ut ipsum Agelmundum regem interficerent eiusque unicam filiam sorte captivitatis auferrent.
17. Resumptis tamen post haec incommoda Langobardi viribus, Lamissionem, de quo superius dixeramus, sibi regem constituerunt. Qui, ut erat iuvenili aetate fervidus et ad belli certamina satis promptus, alumni sui Agelmundi necem ulcisci cupiens, in Vulgares arma convertit. Primoque mox proelio commisso, Langobardi hostibus terga dantes, ad castra refugiunt. Tunc rex Lamissio ista conspiciens, elevata altius voce, omni exercitui clamare coepit, ut obprobriorum quod pertulerunt meminissent revocarentque ante oculos dedecus, quomodo eorum regem hostes iugulaverint, quam miserabiliter eius natam, quam sibi reginam optaverant, captivam abduxerint. Postremo hortatur, ut se suosque armis defenderent, melius esse dicens, in bello animam ponere quam ut vilia mancipia hostium ludibriis subiacere. Haec et huiuscemodi dum vociferans diceret, et nunc minis nunc promissionibus ad toleranda eorum animos belli certamina roboraret; si quem etiam servilis conditionis pugnantem vidisset, libertate eum simul cum praemiis donaret: tandem hortatu exemplisque principis, qui primus ad bellum prosilierat, accensi, super hostes inruunt, pugnant atrociter, et magna adversarios clade prosternunt; tandemque de victoribus victoriam capientes, tam regis sui funus quam proprias iniurias ulciscuntur. Tunc magna de hostium exuviis praeda potiti, ex illo iam tempore ad expetendos belli labores audaciores effecti sunt.
18. Defuncto post haec Lamissione, qui secundus regnaverat, tertius ad regni gubernacula Lethu ascendit. Qui cum quadraginta ferme annos regnasset, Hildehoc filium, qui quartus in numero fuit, regni successorem reliquit. Hoc quoque defuncto, quintus Godehoc regnum suscepit.
19. His temporibus inter Odoacar, qui in Italia per aliquot iam annos regnabat, et Feletheum, qui et Feba dictus est, Rugorum regem, magnarum inimicitiarum fomes exarsit. Qui Feletheus illis diebus ulteriorem Danubii ripam incolebat, quam a Norici finibus idem Danubius separat. In his Noricorum finibus beati tunc erat Severini coenobium. Qui omni abstinentiae sanctitate praeditus, multis iam erat virtutibus clarus. Qui cum iisdem in locis ad vitae usque metas habitasset, nunc tamen eius corpusculum Neapolis retinet. Hic saepius hunc de quo diximus Feletheum eiusque coniugem, cui vocabulum Gisa fuit, ut ab iniquitate quiescerent, verbis coelestibus monuit. Quibus pia verba spernentibus, hoc quod eis postmodum contigit, longe antea futurum praedixit. Adunatis igitur Odoacar gentibus quae eius dicioni parebant, id est Turcilingis et Herolis Rugorumque parte, quos iam dudum possidebat, necnon etiam Italiae populis, venit in Rugiland pugnavitque cum Rugis, ultimaque eos clade conficiens, Feletheum insuper eorum regem extinxit; vastataque omni provincia, Italiam repetens, copiosam secum captivorum multitudinem abduxit. Tunc Langobardi de suis regionibus egressi, venerunt in Rugiland, quae latino eloquio Rugorum patria dicitur, atque in ea, quia erat solo fertilis, aliquantis commorati sunt annis.
20. Inter haec moritur Godehoc; cui successit Claffo, filius suus. Defuncto quoque Claffone, Tato, eiusdem filius, septimus ascendit ad regnum. Egressi quoque Langobardi de Rugiland, habitaverunt in campis patentibus, qui sermone barbarico feld appellantur. Quo in loco dum per trium annorum spatia morarentur, bellum exortum est inter Tatonem atque Rodulfum Herulorum regem. Qui cum prius foedera necterent, causa inter eos discordiae ista fuit. Germanus Rodulfi regis ad Tatonem serendae pacis gratia venerat. Qui cum expleta legatione patriam repeteret, contigit, ut ante regis filiae domum, quae Rumetruda dicebatur, transitum haberet. Illa multitudinem virorum nobilemque comitatum aspiciens, interrogat, quis iste esse possit, qui tam sublime obsequium haberet. Dictumque illi est, Rodulfi regis germanum legatione perfuncta patriam regredi. Mittit puella, qui eum invitaret, ut vini poculum dignaretur accipere. Ille corde simplici, ut invitatus fuerat, venit; et quia erat statura pusillus, eum fastu superbiae puella despexit, verbaque adversus eum inrisoria protulit. At ille verecundia pariter et indignatione perfusus, talia rursus verba respondit, quae ampliorem puellae confusionem adferrent. Tunc illa furore femineo succensa, dolorem cordis cohibere non valens, scelus quod mente conceperat explere contendit. Simulat patientiam, vultum exhilarat, eumque verbis iocundioribus demulcens, ad sedendum invitat, talique eum in loco sedere constituit, quo parietis fenestram ad scapulas haberet. Quam fenestram quasi ob hospitis honorem, re autem vera ne eum aliqua pulsaret suspicio, velamine texerat pretioso, praecipiens atrocissima belua propriis pueris, ut, cum ipsa quasi ad pincernam loquens «Misce» dixisset, illi eum a tergo lanceis perforarent. Pactumque est; et, mox crudelis femina signum dedit, iniqua mandata perficiuntur, ipseque vulneribus transfixus in terram corruens expiravit. Ea cum Rodulfo regi nuntiata fuissent, tam crudele germani funus ingemuit, dolorisque inpatiens, ad ulciscendam fratris mortem exarsit. Foedusque quod cum Tatone pepigerat inrumpens, eidem bellum indixit. Quid plura? Conveniunt utrorumque in campis patentibus acies. Rodulfus suos in pugnam dirigit; ipse in castris residens, de spe victoriae nihil ambigens, ad tabulam ludit. Erant siquidem tunc Heruli bellorum usibus exerciti multorumque iam strage notissimi. Qui, sive ut expeditius bella gererent, sive ut inlatum ab hoste vulnus contempnerent, nudi pugnabant, operientes solummodo corporis verecunda. Horum itaque viribus rex indubitanter fidens, dum ipse securus ad tabulam luderet, unum e suis in arborem, quae forte aderat, ascendere iubet, quatenus ei suorum victoriam celerius referret, comminatus eius se caput abscisurum, si Herulorum aciem fugere nuntiaret. Is cum Herulorum flecti acies et a Langobardis eos opprimi conspiceret, interrogatus a rege saepius, quid Heruli gererent, eos optime pugnare respondit. Nec prius malum quod cernebat, loqui non audens, aperuit, quam universae acies hostibus terga praeberent. Qui, licet sero, tandem in vocem erumpens: «Vae tibi», inquit «misera Herolia, quae caelestis Domini plecteris ira». Ad haec verba conmotus rex ait: «Numquid fugiunt Heruli mei?». At ille: «Non» inquit «hoc ego, sed tu rex ipse dixisti». Tunc, ut in talibus fieri adsolet, rex ipse et omnes perturbati, dum quid agerent haesitarent, supervenientibus Langobardis, graviter caeduntur. Rex quoque ipse nequicquam fortiter faciens, extinctus est. Herulorum vero exercitus dum hac illacque diffugeret, tanta super eos caelitus ira respexit, ut viridantia camporum lina cernentes, natatiles esse aquas putarent; dumque quasi nataturi brachia extenderent, crudeliter hostium feriebantur a gladiis. Tunc Langobardi, patrata victoria, ingentem, quam in castris reppererant, inter se praedam dividunt. Tato vero Rodulfi vexillum, quod bandum appellant, eiusque galeam, quam in bello gestare consueverat, abstulit. Atque iam ex illo tempore ita omnis Herulorum virtus concidit, ut ultra super se regem omnimodo non haberent. Iam hinc Langobardi ditiores effecti, aucto de diversis gentibus, quas superave rant, exercitu, ultro coeperunt bella expetere et virtutis gloriam circumquaque protelare.
21. At vero Tato post haec de belli triumpho non diu laetatus est. Inruit namque super eum Wacho, filius germani sui Zuchilonis, et eum ab hac luce privavit. Conflixit quoque adversus Wachonem Ildichis, filius Tatonis; sed superante Wachone devictus, ad Gepidos confugit, ibique profugus ad vitae finem usque permansit. Quam ob causam Gepidi cum Langobardis extunc inimicitias contraxere. Eodemque tempore W acho super Suavos inruit eosque suo dominio subiugavit. Hoc si quis mendacium et non rei existimat veritatem, relegat prologum edicti, quem rex Rothari de Langobardorum legibus conposuit, et pene in omnibus hoc codicibus, sicut nos in hac historiola inseruimus, scriptum repperiet. Habuit autem Wacho uxores tres, hoc est primam Ranicundam, filiam regis Turingorum; deinde duxit Austrigosam, filiam regis Gepidorum, de qua habuit filias duas: nomen uni Wisigarda, quam tradidit in matrimonium Theodeperto regi Francorum; secunda autem dicta est W alderada, quae sociata est Cusupald, alio regi Francorum, quam ipse odio habens, uni ex suis, qui dicebatur Garipald, in coniugium tradidit. Tertiam vero W acho uxorem habuit Herulorum regis filiam nomine Salingam. Ex ipsa ei natus est filius, quem Waltari appellavit, quique, Wachone mortuo, super Langobardos iam octavus regnavit. Hi omnes Lithingi fuerunt. Sic etenim apud eos quaedam nobilis prosapia vocabatur.
22. Waltari ergo cum per septem annos regnum tenuisset, ab hac luce subtractus est. Post quem nonus Audoin regnum adeptus est. Qui non multo post tempore Langobardos in Pannoniam adduxit.
23. Gepidi igitur ac Langobardi conceptam iam dudum rixam tandem parturiunt, bellumque ab utrisque partibus praeparatur. Commisso itaque proelio, dum ambae acies fortiter dimicarent et neutra alteri cederet, contigit, ut in ipso certamine Alboin, filius Audoin, et Turismodus, Turisindi filius, sibi obvii fierent. Quem Alboin spata percutiens, de equo praecipitatum extinxit. Cernentes Gepidi, regis filium, per quem magna ex parte bellum constiterat, interisse, mox dissolutis animis fugam ineunt. Quos Langobardi insequentes acriter sternunt. Caesisque quam plurimis, ad detrahenda occisorum spolia revertuntur. Cumque peracta Langobardi victoria ad sedes proprias remeassent, regi suo Audoin suggerunt, ut eius Alboin conviva fieret, cuius virtute in proelio victoriam cepissent; utque patri in periculo, ita et in convivio comes esset. Quibus Audoin respondit, se hoc facere minime posse, ne ritum gentis infringeret. «Scitis» inquit «non esse apud nos consuetudinem, ut regis cum patre filius prandeat, nisi prius a rege gentis exterae arma suscipiat.»
24. His Alboin a patre auditis, quadraginta solummodo secum iuvenes tollens, ad Turisindum, cum quo dudum bellum gesserat, regem Gepidorum, profectus est, causamque qua venerat intimavit. Qui eum benigne suscipiens, ad suum convivium invitavit atque ad suam dexteram, ubi Turismodus, eius quondam filius, sedere consueverat, collocavit. Inter haec dum varii apparatus epulas caperent, Turisindus iam dudum sessionem filii mente revolvens natique funus ad animum reducens praesentemque peremptorem eius loco residere conspiciens, alta trahens suspiria, sese continere non potuit, sed tandem dolor in vocem erupit: «Amabilis» inquit «mihi locus iste est, sed persona quae in eo residet satis ad videndum gravis». Tunc regis alter qui aderat filius, patris sermone stimulatus, Langobardos iniuriis lacessere coepit, asserens eos, quia a suris inferius candidis utebantur fasceolis, equabus quibus crure tenus pedes albi sunt similes esse, dicens: «Fetilae sunt equae, quas similatis». Tunc unus e Langobardis ad haec ita respondit: «Perge» ait «in campum Asfeld, ibique procul dubio poteris experiri, quam valide istae quas equas nominas praevalent calcitrare; ubi sic tui dispersa sunt ossa germani quemadmodum vilis iumenti in mediis pratis». His auditis, Gepidi confusionem ferre non valentes, vehementer in iram commoti sunt manifestasque iniurias vindicare nituntur; Langobardi econtra parati ad bellum, omnes ad gladiorum capulos manus iniciunt. Tunc rex a mensa prosiliens, sese in medium obiecit suosque ab ira belloque conpescuit, interminans primitus eum puniri, qui primus pugnam commisisset; non esse victoriam Deo placitam, dicens, cum quis in domo propria hospitem perimit. Sic denique iurgio conpresso, iam deinceps laetis animis convivium peragunt. Sumensque Turisindus arma Turismodi filii sui, ea Alboin tradidit, eumque cum pace incolumem ad patris regnum remisit. Reversus ad patrem Alboin, eius dehinc conviva effectus est. Qui dum cum patre laetus regias delicias caperet, ordine cuncta retulit, quae illi apud Gepidos in Turisindi regia contigissent. Mirantur qui aderant et laudant audaciam Alboin, nec minus attollunt laudibus Turisindi maximam fidem.
25. Hac tempestate Iustinianus Augustus Romanum imperium felici sorte regebat. Qui et bella prospere gessit et in causis civilibus mirificus extitit. Nam per Belisarium patricium Persas fortiter devicit, perque ipsum Belisarium Wandalorum gentem, capto eorum rege Gelismero, usque ad internicionem delevit Africamque totam post annos nonaginta et sex Romano imperio restituit. Rursumque Belisarii viribus Gothorum in Italia gentem, capto Witichis eorum rege, superavit. Mauros quoque post haec Africam infestantes eorumque regem Amtalan per Iohannem exconsulem mirabili virtute protrivit. Pari etiam modo et alias gentes belli iure conpressit. Quam ob causam propter horum omnium victorias, ut Alamannicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Wandalicus Africanusque diceretur, habere agnomina meruit. Leges quoque Romanorum, quarum prolixitas nimia erat et inutilis dissonantia, mirabili brevitate correxit. Nam omnes constitutiones principum, quae utique multis in voluminibus habebantur, intra duodecim libros coartavit idemque volumen Codicem Iustinianum appellari praecepit. Rursumque singulorum magistratuum sive iudicum leges, quae usque ad duo milia pene libros erant extensae, intra quinquaginta librorum numerum redegit, eumque Codicem Digestorum sive Pandectarum vocabulo nuncupavit. Quattuor etiam Institutionum libros, in quibus breviter universarum legum textus conprehenditur, noviter composuit. Novas quoque leges, quas ipse statuerat, in unum volumen redactas, eundem Codicem Novel larum nuncupari sancivit. Extruxit quoque idem princeps intra urbem Constantinopolim Christo domino, qui est sapientia Dei patris, templum, quod greco vocabulo Agian Sophian, id est sanctam sapientiam, nominavit. Cuius opus adeo cuncta aedificia excellit, ut in totis terrarum spatiis huic simile non possit inveniri. Erat enim hic princeps fide catholicus, in operibus rectus, in iudiciis iustus; ideoque ei omnia concurrebant in bonum. Huius temporibus Cassiodorus apud urbem Romam tam seculari quam divina scientia claruit. Qui inter cetera quae nobiliter scripsit psalmorum praecipue occulta potentissime reseravit. Hic primitus consul, deinde senator, ad postremum vero monachus extitit. Hoc etiam tempore Dionisius abba in urbe Roma constitutus paschale calculum miranda argumentatione composuit. Tunc quoque apud Constantinopolim Priscianus Caesariensis grammaticae artis, ut ita dixerim, profunda rimatus est. Tuncque nihilominus Arator, Romanae Ecclesiae subdiaconus, poeta mirabilis, Apostolorum actus versibus exametris exaravit.
26. His quoque diebus beatissimus Benedictus pater et prius in loco qui Sublacus dicitur, qui ab urbe Roma quadraginta milibus abest, et postea in castro Casini, quod Arx appellatur, et magnae vitae meritis et apostolicis virtutibus effulsit. Cuius vitam, sicut notum est, beatus papa Gregorius in suis Dialogis suavi sermone composuit. Ego quoque pro parvitate ingenii mei ad honorem tanti patris singula eius miracula per singula distica elegiaco metro hoc modo contexui:
Ordiar unde tuos, sacer o Benedicte, triumphos,
Virtutum cumulos ordiar unde tuos?
Euge, beate pater, meritum qui nomine prodis,
Fulgida lux secli, euge, beate pater!
5
Nursia, plaude satis tanto sublimis alumno;
Astra ferens mundo, Nursia, plaude satis!
O puerile decus, transcendens moribus annos
Exuperansque senes, o puerile decus!
Flos, paradise, tuus despexit florida mundi;
10
Sprevit opes Romae flos, paradise, tuus.
Vas pedagoga tulit diremptum pectore tristi;
Laeta reformatum vas pedagoga tulit;
Urbe vocamen habens tyronem cautibus abdit;
Fert pietatis opem Urbe vocamen habens.
15
Laudibus antra sonant mortalibus abdita cunctis;
Cognita, Christe, tibi laudibus antra sonant.
Frigora, flabra, nives perfers tribus impiger annis;
Tempnis amore Dei frigora, flabra, nives.
Fraus veneranda placet, pietatis furta probantur.
20
Qua sacer altus erat, fraus veneranda placet.
Signat adesse dapes agapes, sed lividus obstat;
Nil minus alma fides signat adesse dapes.
Orgia rite colit, Christo qui accommodat aurem;
Abstemium pascens, orgia rite colit.
25
Pabula grata ferunt avidi ad spelea subulci;
Pectoribus laetis pabula grata ferunt.
Ignis ab igne perit, lacerant dum viscera sentes;
Carneus aethereo ignis ab igne perit.
Pestis iniqua latens procul est deprensa sagaci;
30
Non tulit arma crucis pestis iniqua latens.
Lenia flagra vagam sistunt moderamine mentem;
Excludunt pestem lenia flagra vagam.
Unda perennis aquae nativo e marmore manat;
Arida corda rigat unda perennis aquae.
35
Gurgitis ima, calibs capulo divulse, petisti;
Deseris alta petens gurgitis ima, calibs.
Iussa paterna gerens dilapsus vivit in aequor;
Currit vectus aquis iussa paterna gerens.
Praebuit unda viam prompto ad praecepta magistri;
40
Cursori ignaro praebuit unda viam.
Tu quoque, parve puer, raperis, nec occidis, undis;
Testis ades verax tu quoque, parve puer.
Perfida corda gemunt stimulis agitata malignis;
Tartareis flammis perfida corda gemunt.
45
Fert alimenta corax digitis oblata benignis;
Dira procul iussus fert alimenta corax.
Pectora sacra dolent inimicum labe peremptum;
Discipuli excessum pectora sacra dolent.
Lyris amoena petens ducibus comitaris opimis;
50
Caelitus adtraheris Lyris amoena petens.
Anguis inique, furis, luco spoliatus et aris;
Amissis populis, anguis inique, furis.
Improbe sessor, abi, sine dentur marmora muris!
Cogeris imperio; improbe sessor, abi!
55
Cernitur ignis edax falsis insurgere flammis,
Nec tibi, gemma micans, cernitur ignis edax.
Dum struitur paries, lacerantur viscera fratris;
Sospes adest frater, dum struitur paries.
Abdita facta patent, patulo produntur edaces;
60
Muneris accepti abdita facta patent.
Saeve tyranne, tuae frustrantur retia fraudis;
Frena capis vitae, saeve tyranne, tuae.
Moenia celsa Numae nullo subruentur ab hoste;
Turbo, ait, evertet moenia celsa Numae.
65
Plecteris hoste gravi, ne lites munus ad aram;
Munera fers aris; plecteris hoste gravi.
Omnia septa gregis praescitum est tradita genti;
Gens eadem reparat omnia septa gregis.
Fraudis amice puer, suado captaris ab ydro;
70
Ydro non caperis, fraudis amice puer.
Mens tumefacta, sile, tacita et ne carpe videntem!
Cuncta patent vati; mens tumefacta, sile!
Pellitur atra fames delatis caelitus escis;
Nilominus mentis pellitur atra fames.
75
Pectora cuncta stupent, quod eras sine corpore praesens;
Quod per visa mones, pectora cuncta stupent.
Vocis ad imperium tempnunt dare frena loquelis;
E bustis fugiunt vocis ad imperium.
Vocis ad imperium sacris non esse sinuntur;
80
Intersunt sacris vocis ad imperium.
Tellus hiulca sinu corpus propellit humatum;
Iussa tenet corpus tellus hiulca sinu.
Perfidus ille draco mulcet properare fugacem;
Sistit iter vetitum perfidus ille draco.
85
Exitiale malum capitis decussit honorem;
It procul imperiis exitiale malum.
Fulva metalla pius, nec habet, promittit egenti;
Caelitus excepit fulva metalla pius.
Tu miserande, cutem variant cui fella colubrae,
90
Incolumem recipis, tu miserande, cutem.
Aspera saxa vitrum rapiunt, nec frangere possunt;
Inlaesum servant aspera saxa vitrum.
Cur, promoconde, times stillam praebere lechithi?
Dolia, cerne, fluunt; cur, promoconde, times?
95
Unde medela tibi, spes est cui nulla salutis?
Qui semper perimis, unde medela tibi?
Ah lacrimande senex, hostili concidis ictu;
Ictu sed resipis, ah lacrimande senex.
Barbara lora manus ignaras criminis arcent;
100
Sponte sua fugiunt barbara lora manus.
Ille superbus equo reboans clamore minaci,
Stratus humi recubat ille superbus equo.
Colla paterna ferunt extincti viscera nati;
Viventem natum colla paterna ferunt.
105
Omnia vincit amor, vinxit soror imbre beatum;
Somnus abest oculis; omnia vincit amor.
Simplicitate placens instar petit alta columbae;
Regna poli penetrat simplicitate placens.
O nimis apte Deo, mundus cui panditur omnis,
110
Abdita qui lustras, o nimis apte Deo!
Flammeus orbis habet iustum super aethera nantem;
Quem pius ussit amor, flammeus orbis habet.
Ter vocitatus adest testis novitatis habendus;
Carus amore patris ter vocitatus adest.
115
Dux bone, bella monens exemplis pectora firmas,
Primus in arma ruis, dux bone, bella monens.
Congrua signa dedit vitae consortia linquens
Ad vitam properans congrua signa dedit.
Psalmicen assiduus numquam dabat otia plectro;
120
Sacra canens obiit psalmicen assiduus.
Mens quibus una fuit, tumulo retinentur eodem;
Gloria par retinet, mens quibus una fuit.
Splendida visa via est facibus stipata coruscis;
Qua sacer ascendit splendida visa via est.
125
Rupea septa petens nancta est errore salutem;
Errorem evasit rupea septa petens.
Poemata parva dedit famulus pro munere supplex;
Exul, inops, tenuis poemata parva dedit.
Sint, precor, apta tibi, caelestis tramitis index;
130
O Benedicte pater, sint, precor, apta tibi!
Ymnum quoque singula eiusdem patris miracula continentem metro iambico archiloico ita texuimus.
Fratres, alacri pectore
Venite concentu pari,
Fruamur huius inclitae
Festivitatis gaudiis.
5
Hac Benedictus aurea
Ostensor arti tramitis
Ad regna conscendit pater,
Captans laborum praemia.
Effulsit ut sidus novum,
10
Mundana pellens nubila.
Aetatis ipso limine
Despexit aevi florida.
Miraculorum praepotens,
Afflatus Alti flamine,
15
Resplenduit prodigiis
Ventura seclo praecinens.
Laturus esum pluribus,
Panis reformat vasculum;
Artum petens ergastulum,
20
Extinxit ignes ignibus.
Fregit veneni baiulam
Crucis per arma cymbiam.
Coercuit mentem vagam
Leni flagello corporis.
25
Funduntur amnes rupibus.
Redit calybs e gurgite,
Currit per undas obsequens.
Peplo puer vitat necem.
Virus patescit abditum.
30
Mandata praepes efficit.
Hostem ruina conterit.
Cedit fremens leo grave.
Immota fit moles levis.
Rogus migrat fantasticus.
35
Fractum revisit sospitas.
Excessus absentum patet.
Rector vafer, deprenderis.
Inique possessor, fugis.
Futura praenoscimini;
40
Arcana, cor, non contegis.
Fundantur aedes somniis.
Tellus vomit cadavera.
Dracone frenatur fugax.
Aether pluit nomismata.
45
Vitrum resistit cautibus.
Manant olivo dolia.
Vinctum resolvit visio.
Vitam receptant funera.
Tanti potestas luminis
50
Voto sororis vincitur
- Quo plus amat quis, plus valet -
Enare quam cernit polum.
Non ante seclis cognitum
Noctu iubar effulgorat,
55
Quo totus or bis cernitur
Flammisque subvehi pius.
Haec inter instar nectaris
Miranda plectro claruit.
Nam pinxit apte lineam
60
Vitae sacrae sequacibus.
Iam dux alumnis at potens,
Adsis gregis suspiriis,
Gliscat bonis ydrum cavens,
Sit callis ut sequax tui!
Libet me breviter referre, quod beatus Gregorius papa minime in huius sanctissimi patris vita descripsit. Denique cum divina ammonitione a Sublacu in hunc, ubi requiescit, locum per quinquaginta ferme milia adventaret, tres eum corvi, quos alere solitus erat, sunt circumvolitantes secuti. Cui ad omne bivium, usque dum huc veniret, duo angeli in figura iuvenum apparentes, ostenderunt ei, quam viam arripere deberet. In loco autem isto quidam Dei servus tunc habitaculum habebat, ad quem divinitus ita dictum est:
His tu parce locis, alter amicus adest.
Huc autem, hoc est in Casini Arcem, perveniens, in magna se semper abstinentia coartavit. Sed praecipue quadragesimae tempore inclausus et remotus a mundi strepitu mansit. Haec omnia ex Marci poetae carmine sumpsi, qui ad eundem patrem huc veniens, aliquot versus in eius laudem composuit, quos in his libellis cavens nimiam longitudinem minime descripsi. Certum tamen est, hunc egregium patrem vocatum caelitus ob hoc ad hunc fertilem locum et cui opima vallis subiacet advenisse, ut hic multorum monachorum, sicut et nunc Deo praesule facta est, congregatio fieret. His cursim, quae omittenda non erant, narratis, ad nostrae seriem revertamur historiae.
27. Igitur Audoin, de quo praemiseramus, Langobardorum rex, Rodelindam in matrimonio habuit; quae ei Alboin, virum bellis aptum et per omnia strenuum, peperit. Mortuus itaque est Audoin, ac deinde regum iam decimus Alboin ad regendam patriam cunctorum votis accessit. Qui cum famosissimum et viribus clarum ubique nomen haberet, Chlotharius rex Francorum Chlotsuindam ei suam filiam in matrimonium sociavit. De qua unam tantum filiam Alpsuindam nomine genuit. Obiit interea Turisindus rex Gepidorum; cui successit Cunimundus in regno. Qui vindicare veteres Gepidorum iniurias cupiens, inrupto cum Langobardis foedere, bellum potius quam pacem elegit. Alboin vero cum Avaribus, qui primum Hunni, postea de regis proprii nomine Avares appellati sunt, foedus perpetuum iniit. Dehinc ad praeparatum a Gepidis bellum profectus est. Qui cum adversus eum e diverso properarent, Avares, ut cum Alboin statuerant, eorum patriam invaserunt. Tristis ad Cunimundum nuntius veniens, invasisse Avares eius terminos edicit. Qui prostratus animo et utrimque in angustiis positus, hortatur tamen suos primum cum Langobardis confligere; quos si superare valerent, demum Hunnorum exercitum e patria pellerent. Committitur ergo proelium, pugnatum est totis viribus. Langobardi victores effecti sunt, tanta in Gepidos ira saevientes, ut eos ad internicionem usque delerent atque ex copiosa multitudine vix nuntius superesset. In eo proelio Alboin Cunimundum occidit, caputque illius sublatum, ad bibendum ex eo poculum fecit. Quod genus poculi apud eos «scala» dicitur, lingua vero Latina patera vocitatur. Cuius filiam nomine Rosimundam cum magna simul multitudine diversi sexus et aetatis duxit captivam; quam, quia Chlotsuinda obierat, in suam, ut post patuit, perniciem, duxit uxorem. Tunc Langobardi tantam adepti sunt praedam, ut iam ad amplissimas pervenirent divitias. Gepidorum vero ita genus est deminutum, ut ex illo iam tempore ultra non habuerint regem; sed universi qui superesse bello poterant aut Langobardis subiecti sunt, aut usque hodie Hunnis eorum patriam possidentibus duro imperio subiecti gemunt. Alboin vero ita praeclarum longe lateque nomen percrebuit, ut hactenus etiam tam apud Baioariorum gentem quamque et Saxonum, sed et alios eiusdem linguae homines eius liberalitas et gloria bellorumque felicitas et virtus in eorum carminibus celebretur. Arma quoque praecipua sub eo fabricata fuisse, a multis hucusque narratur.
Explicit liber primus.
Liber II
Anulus ducis
Langobardorum
Incipit liber secundus.
1. Igitur cum circumquaque frequentes Langobardorum victoriae personarent, Narsis chartularius imperialis, qui tunc praeerat Italiae, bellum adversus Totilam Gothorum regem .praeparans, cum iam pridem Langobardos foederatos haberet, legatos ad Alboin dirigit, quatenus ei pugnaturo cum Gothis auxilium ministraret. Tunc Alboin electam e suis manum direxit, qui Romanis adversus Getas suffragium ferrent. Qui per maris Adriatici sinum in. Italiam transvecti, sociati Romanis pugnam inierunt cum Gothis; quibus usque ad internicionem pariter cum Totila suo rege deletis, honorati multis muneribus victores ad propria remearunt. Omnique tempore quo Langobardi Pannoniam possederunt, Romanae rei publicae adversus aemulos adiutores fuerunt.
2. His temporibus Narsis etiam Buccellino duci bellum intulit. Quem Theudepertus rex Francorum, cum in Italiam introisset, reversus ad Gallias, cum Amingo alio duce ad subiciendam Italiam dereliquerat. Qui Buccellinus cum paene totam Italiam direptionibus vastaret et Theudeperto suo regi de praeda Italiae munera copiosa conferret, cum in Campania hiemare disponeret, tandem in loco cui Tannetum nomen est gravi bello a Narsete superatus, extinctus est. Amingus vero dum Windin Gothorum comiti contra Narsetem rebellanti auxilium ferre conatus fuisset, utrique a Narsete superati sunt. Windin captus Constantinopolim exiliatur. Amingus vero, qui ei auxilium praebuerat, Narsetis gladio perimitur. Tertius quoque Francorum dux nomine Leutharius, Buccellini germanus, dum multa praeda onustus ad patriam cuperet reverti, inter Veronam et Tridentum iuxta lacum Benacum propria morte defunctus est.
3. Habuit nihilominus Narsis certamen adversus Sinduald Brentorum regem, qui adhuc de Herulorum stirpe remanserat, quos secum in Italiam veniens olim Odoacar adduxerat. Huic Narsis fideliter sibi primum adhaerenti multa beneficia contulit; sed novissime superbe rebellantem et regnare cupientem, bello superatum et captum celsa de trabe suspendit. Eo quoque tempore Narsis patricius per Dagisteum magistrum militum, virum bellicosum et fortem, universos Italiae fines obtinuit. Hic Narsis prius quidem chartularius fuit, deinde propter virtutum merita patriciatus honorem promeruit. Erat autem vir piissimus, in religione catholicus, in pauperes munificus, in recuperandis basilicis satis studiosus, vigiliis et orationibus in tantum studens, ut plus supplicationibus ad Deum profusis quam armis bellicis victoriam obtineret.
4. Huius temporibus in provincia praecipue Liguriae maxima pestilentia exorta est. Subito enim apparebant quaedam signacula per domos, ostia, vasa vel vestimenta, quae si quis voluisset abluere, magis magisque apparebant. Post annum vero expletum coeperunt nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis delicatioribus locis glandulae in modum nucis seu dactuli, quas mox subsequebatur febrium intolerabilis aestus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur. Sin vero aliquis triduum transegisset, habebat spem vivendi. Erant autem ubique luctus, ubique lacrimae. Nam, ut vulgi rumor habebat, fugientes cladem vitare, relinquebantur domus desertae habitatoribus, solis catulis domum servantibus. Peculia sola remanebant in pascuis, nullo adstante pastore. Cerneres pridem villas seu castra repleta agminibus hominum, postero vero die universis fugientibus cuncta esse in summo silentio. Fugiebant filii, cadavera insepulta parentum relinquentes, parentes obliti pietatis viscera natos relinquebant aestuantes. Si quem forte antiqua pietas perstringebat, ut vellet sepelire proximum, restabat ipse insepultus; et dum obsequebatur, peri mebatur, dum funeri obsequium praebebat, ipsius funus sine obsequio manebat. Videres seculum in antiquum redactum silentium: nulla vox in rure, nullus pastorum sibilus, nullae insidiae bestiarum in pecudibus, nulla damna in domesticis volucribus. Sata transgressa metendi tempus intacta expectabant messorem; vinea amissis foliis radiantibus uvis inlaesa manebat hieme propinquante. Nocturnis seu diurnis horis personabat tuba bellantium, audiebatur a pluribus quasi murmur exercitus. Nulla erant vestigia commeantium, nullus cernebatur percussor, et tamen visus oculorum superabant cadavera mortuorum. Pastoralia loca versa fuerant in sepulturam hominum, et habitacula humana facta fuerant confugia bestiarum. Et haec quidem mala intra Italiam tantum usque ad fines gentium Alamannorum et Baioariorum solis Romanis acciderunt. Inter haec Iustiniano principe vita decedente, Iustinus minor rem publicam apud Constantinopolim regendam suscepit. His quoque temporibus Narsis patricius, cuius ad omnia studium vigilabat, Vitalem episcopum Altinae civitatis, qui ante annos plurimos ad Francorum regnum confugerat, hoc est ad Agonthiensem civitatem, tandem conprehensum apud Siciliam exilio damnavit.
5. Igitur deleta, ut dictum est, vel superata Narsis omni Gothorum gente, his quoque de quibus diximus pari modo devictis, dum multum auri sive argenti seu ceterarum specierum divitias adquisisset, magnam a Romanis, pro quibus multa contra eorum hostes laboraverat, invidiam pertulit. Qui contra eum Iustiniano Augusto et eius coniugi Sophiae in haec verba suggesserunt, dicentes quia expedierat Romanis Gothis potius servire quam Grecis, «ubi Narsis eunuchus imperat et nos servitio premit; et haec noster piissimus princeps ignorat. Aut libera nos de manu eius, aut certe et civitatem Romanam et nosmetipsos gentibus tradimus». Cumque hoc Narsis audisset, haec breviter retulit verba: «Si male feci Romanis, male inveniam». Tunc Augustus in tantum adversus Narsetem commotus est, ut statim in Italiam Longinum praefectum mitteret, qui Narsetis locum obtineret. Narsis vero, his cognitis, valde pertimuit; et in tantum maxime ab eadem Sophia Augusta territus est, ut regredi ultra Constantinopolim non auderet. Cui illa inter cetera, quia eunuchus erat, haec fertur mandasse, ut eum puellis in genicio lanarum faceret pensa dividere. Ad quae verba Narsis dicitur haec responsa dedisse: talem se eidem telam orditurum, qualem ipsa, dum viveret, deponere non possit. Itaque odio metuque exagitatus in Neapolim Campaniae civitatem secedens, legatos mox ad Langobardorum gentem dirigit, mandans, ut paupertina Pannoniae rura desererent et ad Italiam cunctis refertam divitiis possidendam venirent. Simulque multimoda pomorum genera aliarumque rerum species, quarum Italia ferax est, mittit, quatenus eorum ad veniendum animos possit inlicere. Langobardi laeta nuntia et quae ipsi praeoptabant gratanter suscipiunt de que futuris commodis animos adtollunt. Continuo apud Italiam terribilia noctu signa visa sunt, hoc est igneae acies in caelo apparuerunt, eum scilicet qui postea effusus est sanguinem coruscantes.
6. Alboin vero ad Italiam cum Langobardis profecturus ab amicis suis vetulis Saxonibus auxilium petit, quatenus spatiosam Italiam cum pluribus possessurus intraret. Ad quem Saxones plus quam viginti milia virorum cum uxoribus simul et parvulis, ut cum eo ad Italiam pergerent, iuxta eius voluntatem venerunt. Hoc audientes Chlotharius et Sigibertus, reges Francorum, Suavos aliasque gentes in locis de quibus idem Saxones exierant posuerunt.
7. Tunc Alboin sedes proprias, hoc est Pannoniam, amicis suis Hunnis contribuit, eo scilicet ordine, ut, si quo tempore Langobardis necesse esset reverti, sua rursus arva repeterent. Igitur Langobardi, relicta Pannonia, cum uxoribus et natis omnique supellectili Italiam properant possessuri. Habitaverunt autem in Pannonia annis quadraginta duobus. De qua egressi sunt mense aprili, per indictionem primam, alio die post sanctum Pascha, cuius festivitas eo anno iuxta calculi rationem ipsis kalendis aprilis fuit, cum iam a Domini incarnatione anni quingenti sexaginta octo essent evoluti.
8. Igitur cum rex Alboin cum omni suo exercitu vulgique promiscui multitudine ad extremos Italiae fines pervenisset, montem qui in eisdem locis prominet ascendit, indeque, prout conspicere potuit, partem Italiae contemplatus est. Qui mons propter hanc, ut fertur, causam ex eo tempore mons Regis appellatus est. Ferunt, in hoc monte bisontes feras enutriri. Nec mirum, cum usque huc Pannonia pertingat, quae horum animantium ferax est. Denique retulit mihi quidam veracissimus senex, tale se corium in hoc monte occisi bisontis vidisse, in quo quindecim, ut aiebat, homines, unus iuxta alium potuissent cubare.
9. Indeque Alboin cum Venetiae fines, quae prima est Italiae provincia, hoc est civitatis vel potius castri Foroiulani terminos sine aliquo obstaculo introisset, perpendere coepit, cui potissimum primam provinciarum quam ceperat committere deberet. Siquidem omnis Italia, quae versus meridiem vel potius in eurum extenditur, Tyrreni sive Adriatici maris fluctibus ambitur, ab occiduo vero et aquilone iugis Alpium ita circumcluditur, ut nisi per angustos meatus et per summa iuga montium non possit habere introitum; ab orientali vero parte, qua Pannoniae coniungitur, et largius patentem et planissimum habet ingressum. Igitur, ut diximus, dum Alboin animum intenderet, quem in his locis ducem constituere deberet, Gisulfum, ut fertur, suum nepotem, virum per omnia idoneum, qui eidem strator erat, quem lingua propria «marpahis» appellant, Foroiulanae civitati et totae illius regioni praeficere statuit. Qui Gisulfus non prius se regimen eiusdem civitatis et populi suscepturum edixit, nisi ei quas ipse eligere voluisset Langobardorum faras, hoc est generationes vel lineas, tribueret. Factumque est, et annuente sibi rege quas optaverat Langobardorum praecipuas prosapias, ut cum eo habitarent, accepit. Et ita demum ductoris honorem adeptus est. Poposcit quoque a rege generosarum equarum greges, et in hoc quoque liberalitate principis exauditus est.
10. His diebus, quibus Langobardi Italiam invaserunt, Francorum regnum, mortuo iam eorum rege Clothario, eius filii quadrifarie regebant divisum. Primusque ex his Aripertus sedem habebat apud Parisios. Secundus vero Gunthramnus civitati praesidebat Aurelianensi. Tertius quoque Hilpericus cathedram habebat apud Sessionas in loco Chlotharii patris sui. Quartus nihilominus Sigibertus apud urbem regnabat Metensem. Hoc etiam tempore Romanam Ecclesiam vir sanctissimus Benedictus papa regebat. Aquileiensi quoque civitati eiusque populis beatus Paulus patriarcha praeerat. Qui Langobardorum barbariem metuens, ex Aquileia ad Gradus insulam confugit secumque omnem suae thesaurum ecclesiae deportavit. Hoc anno superiori hieme tanta nix in planitie cecidit, quanta in summis Alpibus cadere solet; sequenti vero aestate tanta fertilitas extitit, quanta nulla aetas adseveratur meminisse. Eo quoque tempore comperta Hunni, qui et Avares, morte Clotharii regis, super Sigibertum eius filium inruunt. Quibus ille in Turingia occurrens, eos iuxta Albem fluvium potentissime superavit, eisdemque petentibus pacem dedit. Huic Sigiberto de Hispaniis adveniens Brunichildis matrimonio iuncta est, de qua ille filium Childebertum nomine suscepit. Rursumque Avares cum Sigiberto in locis ubi et prius pugnantes, Francorum proterentes exercitum, victoriam sunt adepti.
11. Narsis vero de Campania Romam regressus, ibidem non post multum tempus ex hac luce subtractus est. Cuius corpus positum in locello plumbeo, cum omnibus eius divitiis Constantinopolim est perlatum.
12. Igitur Alboin cum ad fluvium Plabem venisset, ibi ei Felix episcopus Tarvisianae ecclesiae occurrit. Cui rex, ut erat largissimus, omnes suae ecclesiae facultates postulanti concessit et per suum pracmaticum postulata firmavit.
13. Sane quia huius Felicis fecimus mentionem, libet quoque nos pauca de venerabili et sapientissimo viro Fortunato retexere, qui hunc Felicem suum adseverat socium fuisse. Denique hic de quo loquimur Fortunatus natus quidem in loco qui Duplabilis dicitur fuit; qui locus haud longe a Cenitense castro vel Tarvisiana distat civitate. Sed tamen Ravennae nutritus et doctus, in arte grammatica sive rethorica seu etiam metrica clarissimus extitit. Hic cum oculorum dolorem vehementissimum pateretur, et nihilominus Felix iste ipsius socius pari modo oculos doleret, utrique ad basilicam Beatorum Pauli atque Iohannis, quae intra eandem urbem sita est, perrexere. In qua etiam altarium in honorem beati Martini confessoris constructum propinquam habet fenestram, in qua lucerna ad exhibendum lumen est constituta. De cuius oleo mox sibi isti, Fortunatus scilicet et Felix, dolentia lumina tetigerunt. Ilico dolore fugato sanitatem, quam optabant, adepti sunt. Qua de causa Fortunatus in tantum beatum Martinum veneratus est, ut, relicta patria, paulo ante quam Langobardi Italiam invaderent, Toronos ad eiusdem beati viri sepulchrum properaret. Qui sibi, ut in suis ipse carminibus refert, illuc properanti per fluenta Tiliamenti et Reunam perque Osupum et Alpem Iuliam perque Aguntum castrum Dravumque et Byrrum fluvios ac Briones et Augustam civitatem, quam Virdo et Lecha fluentant, iter fuisse describit. Qui postquam Toronos iuxta votum proprium advenit, Pictavis pertransiens, illic habitavit, et multorum ibidem sanctorum gesta partim prosa, partim metrali ratione conscripsit; novissimeque in eadem civitate primum presbiter, deinde episcopus ordinatus est, atque in eodem loco digno tumulatus honore quiescit. Hic beati Martini vitam quattuor in libris heroico versu contexuit, et multa alia maximeque ymnos singularum festivitatum et praecipue ad singulos amicos versiculos, nulli poetarum secundus, suavi et disserto sermone conposuit. Ad cuius ego tumulum, cum illuc orationis gratia adventassem, hoc epithaphium, rogatus ab Apro, eiusdem loci abbate, scribendum contexui.
Ingenio clarus, sensu celer, ore suavis,
Cuius dulce melos pagina multa canit,
Fortunatus, apex vatum, venerabilis actu,
Ausonia genitus, hac tumulatur humo.
5
Cuius ab ore sacro sanctorum gesta priorum
Discimus: haec monstrant carpere lucis iter.
Felix, quae tantis decoraris, Gallia, gemmis,
Lumine de quarum nox tibi tetra fugit.
Hos modicus prompsi plebeio carmine versus,
10
Ne tuus in populis, sancte, lateret honor.
Redde vicem misero: ne iudice spernar ab aequo,
Eximiis meritis posce, beate, precor.
Haec paucis de tanto viro, ne eius vitam sui cives funditus ignorarent, delibavimus; nunc ad historiae seriem revertamur.
14. Igitur Alboin Vicentiam Veronamque et reliquas Venetiae civitates, exceptis Patavio et Monte Silicis et Mantua, cepit. Venetia enim non solum in paucis insulis, quas nunc Venetias dicimus, constat, sed eius terminus a Pannoniae finibus usque ad Adduam fluvium protelatur. Probatur hoc annalibus libris, in quibus Bergamus civitas esse legitur Venetiarum. Nam et de lacu Benaco in historiis ita legimus: «Benacus lacus Venetiarum, de quo Mincius fluvius egreditur». Eneti enim, licet apud Latinos una littera addatur, grece laudabiles dicuntur. Venetiae etiam Histria conectitur, et utraeque pro una provincia habentur. Histria autem ab Histro flumine cognominatur. Quae secundum Romanam historiam amplior, quam nunc est, fuisse perhibetur. Huius Venetiae Aquileia civitatis extitit caput; pro qua nunc Forum Iulii, ita dictum quod Iulius Caesar negotiationis forum ibi statuerat, habetur.
15. Non ab re esse arbitror, si etiam ceteras Italiae provincias breviter adtingamus. Secunda provincia Liguria a legendis, id est colligendis leguminibus, quorum satis ferax est, nominatur. In qua Mediolanum est et Ticinum, quae alio nomine Papia appellatur. Haec usque ad Gallorum fines extenditur. Inter hanc et Suaviam, hoc est Alamannorum patriam, quae versus septentrionem est posita, duae provinciae, id est Retia prima et Retia secunda, inter Alpes consistunt; in quibus proprie Reti habitare noscuntur.
16. Quinta vero provincia Alpes Cottiae dicuntur, quae sic a Cottio rege, qui Neronis tempore fuit, appellatae sunt. Haec a Liguria in eurum versus usque ad mare Tyr renum extenditur, ab occiduo vero Gallorum finibus copulatur. In hac Aquis, ubi aquae calidae sunt, Dertona et monasterium Bobium, Genua quoque et Saona civitates habentur. Sexta provincia Tuscia est, quae a ture, quod populus illius superstitiose in sacrificiis deorum suorum incendere solebat, sic appellata est. Haec habet intra se circium versus Aureliam, ab orientis vero parte Umbriam. In hac provincia Roma, quae olim totius mundi caput extitit, est comtituta. In Umbria vero, quae istius in parte ponitur, Perusium et lacus Clitorius Spoletiumque consistunt. Umbria autem dicta est, quod imbribus superfuerit, cum aquosa clades olim populos devastaret.
17. Septima quoque provincia Campania ab urbe Roma usque ad Siler Lucaniae fluvium producitur. In qua opulentissimae urbes Capua, Neapolis et Salernus constitutae sunt. Quae ideo Campania appellata est propter uberrimam Capuae planitiem; ceterum ex maxima parte montuosa est. Porro octava Lucania, quae nomen a quodam luco accepit, a Silere fluvio inchoat, cum Britia, quae ita a reginae quondam suae nomine appellata est, usque ad fretum Siculum per ora maris Tyrreni, sicut et duae superiores, dextrum Italiae cornu tenens pertingit; in qua Pestus et Lainus, Cassianum et Consentia Regiumque sunt positae civitates.
18. Nona denique provincia in Appenninis Alpibus conputatur, quae inde originem capiunt, ubi Cottiarum Alpes finiuntur. Hae Appenninae Alpes per mediam Italiam pergentes, Tusciam ab Emilia Umbriamque a Flamminia dividunt. In qua sunt civitates Ferronianus et Montembellium, Bobium et Urbinum, necnon et oppidum quod Vetona appellatur. Alpes autem Appenninae dictae sunt a Punicis, hoc est Annibale et eius exercitu, qui per easdem Romam tendentes transitum habuerunt. Sunt qui Alpes Cottias et Appenninas unam dicant esse provinciam; sed hos Victoris revincit historia, quae Alpes Cottias per se provinciam appellat. Decima porro Emilia a Liguria incipiens, inter Appenninas Alpes et Padi fluenta versus Ravennam pergit. Haec locupletibus urbibus decoratur, Placentia scilicet et Parma, Regio et Bononia Corneliique Foro cuius castrum Imolas appellatur. Extiterunt quoque qui Emiliam et Valeriam Nursiamque unam provinciam dicerent. Sed horum sententia stare non potest, quia inter Emiliam et Valeriam Nursiamque Tuscia et Umbria sunt constitutae.
19. Dehinc undecima provinciarum est Flamminia, quae inter Appenninas Alpes et mare est Adriaticum posita. In qua nobilissima urbium Ravenna et quinque aliae civitates consistunt, quae greco vocabulo Pentapolis appellantur. Constat autem, Aureliam Emiliamque et Flamminiam a constratis viis, quae ab urbe Roma veniunt, et ab eorum vocabulis a quibus sunt constratae talibus nominibus appellari. Post Flamminiam duodecima Picenus occurrit, habens ab austro Appenninos montes, ex altera vero parte Adriaticum mare. Haec usque ad fluvium Piscariam pertendit. In qua sunt civitates Firmus, Asculus et Pinnis et iam vetustate consumpta Adria, quae Adriatico pelago nomen dedit. Huius habitatores cum a Savinis illuc properarent, in eorum vexillo picus consedit, atque hac de causa Picenus nomen accepit.
20. Porro tertia decima Valeria, cui est Nursia adnexa, inter Umbriam et Campaniam Picenumque consistit. Quae ab oriente Samnitum regionem adtingit Huius pars occidua, quae ab urbe Roma initium capit, olim ab Etruscorum populo Etruria dicta est. Haec habet urbes Tiburium, Carsiolim, Reate, Furconam et Amiternum regionemque Marsorum et eorum lacum qui Fucinus appellatur. Marsorum quoque regionem ideo intra Valeriam provinciam aestimo conputari, quia in catalogo provinciarum Italiae minime ab antiquis descripta est. Si quis autem hanc per se provinciam esse vera ratione conprobaverit, huius rationabilis sententia modis erit omnibus tenenda. Quarta decima Samnium inter Campaniam et mare Adriaticum Apuliamque, a Piscaria incipiens, habetur. In hac sunt urbes Theate, Aufidena, Hisernia et antiquitate consumpta Samnium, a qua tota provincia nominatur, et ipsa harum provinciarum caput ditissima Beneventus. Porro Samnites nomen accepere olim ab hastis, quas ferre solebant quasque Greci saynia appellant.
21. Quinta decima provinciarum est Apulia, consociata sibi Calabria. Intra quam est regio Salentina. Haec ab occidente vel africo habet Samnium et Lucaniam, a solis vero ortu Adriatico pelago finitur. Haec habet urbes satis opulentas, Luceriam, Sepontum, Canusium, Agerentiam, Brundisium et Tarentum et in sinistro Italiae cornu, quod quinquaginta milibus extenditur, aptam mercimoniis Ydrontum. Apulia autem a perditione nominatur; citius enim ibi solis fervoribus terrae virentia perduntur.
22. Sexta decima provincia Sicilia insula conputatur. Quae Tyrreno mari seu Ionio alluitur de Siculique ducis proprii nomine nuncupatur. Septima decima Corsica; octava decima Sardinia ponitur. Quae utraeque Tyrrenis fluctibus ambiuntur. Porro Corsica a duce suo Corso, Sardinia a Sarde, Herculis filio, nominatur.
23. Certum est tamen, Liguriam et partem Venetiae, Emiliam quoque Plamminiamque veteres historiographos Galliam Cisalpinam appellasse. Inde est, quod Donatus grammaticus in expositione Virgilii Mantuam in Gallia esse dixit; indeque est, quod in Romana historia legitur Ariminum in Gallia constitutum. Siquidem antiquissimo tempore Brennus rex Gallorum, qui apud Senonas urbem regnabat, cum trecentis milibus Gallorum Senonum ad Italiam venit eamque usque ad Senogalliam, quae a Gallis Senonibus vocitata est, occupavit. Causa autem cur Galli in Italiam venerint haec fase describitur. Dum enim vinum degustassent ab Italia delatum, aviditate vini inlecti ad Italiam transierunt. Horum centum milia non longe a Delphos insula properantes, Graecorum gladiis extincta sunt; alia vero centum milia in Galatiam ingressa, primum Gallogreci, postea vero Galatae appellata sunt. Et hi sunt quibus doctor gentium scripsit epistolam Paulus. Centum milia quoque Gallorum, quae in Italia remanserunt, Ticinum Mediolanumque, Bergamum Brixiamque construentes, Cisalpinae Galliae regioni nomen dederunt. Istique sunt Galli Senones, qui olim urbem Romuleam invaserunt. Sicut enim dicimus Galliam Transalpinam, quae ultra Alpes habetur, sic Galliam Cisalpinam hac parte, quae infra Alpes est, vocitamus.
24. Italia quoque, quae has provincias continet, ab Italo Siculorum duce, qui eam antiquitus invasit, nomen accepit. Sive ob hoc Italia dicitur, quia magni in ea boves, hoc est itali, habentur. Ab eo namque quod est italus per diminutionem, licet una littera addita altera immutata vitulus, appellatur. Italia etiam Ausonia dicitur ab Ausono, Ulixis filio. Primitus tamen Beneventana regio hoc nomine appellata est; postea vero tota sic coepit Italia vocitari. Dicitur quoque etiam Latium Italia, pro eo quod Saturnus Iovem, suum filium, fugiens, intra eam invenisset latebram. Igitur postquam de Italiae provinciis vel ipsius nomine, intra quam res gestas describimus, sufficienter est dictum, nunc ad historiae ordinem redeamus.
25. Alboin igitur Liguriam introiens, indictione ingrediente tertia, tertio nonas septembris, sub temporibus Honorati archiepiscopi Mediolanum ingressus est. Dehinc universas Liguriae civitates, praeter has quae in litore maris sunt positae, cepit. Honoratus vero archiepiscopus Mediolanum deserens, ad Genuensem urbem confugit. Paulus quoque patriarcha annos duodecim sacerdotium gerens, ab hac luce subtractus est regendamque ecclesiam Probino reliquit.
26. Ticinensis eo tempore civitas ultra tres annos obsidionem perferens, se fortiter continuit, Langobardorum exercitu non procul iuxta eam ab occidentali parte residente. Interim Alboin, eiectis militibus, invasit omnia usque ad Tusciam, praeter Romam et Ravennam vel aliqua castra quae erant in maris litore constituta. Nec erat tunc virtus Romanis, ut resistere possint, quia et pestilentia, quae sub Narsete facta est, plurimos in Liguria et Venetiis extinxerat, et post annum, quem diximus fuisse ubertatis, fames nimia ingruens universam Italiam devastabat. Certum est autem, tunc Alboin multos secum ex diversis, quas vel alii reges vel ipse ceperat, gentibus ad Italiam adduxisse. Unde usque hodie eorum in quibus habitant vicos Gepidos, Vulgares, Sarmatas, Pannonios, Suavos, Noricos, sive aliis huiuscemodi nominibus appellamus.
27. At vero Ticinensis civitas post tres annos et aliquot menses obsidionem perferens, tandem se Alboin et Langobardis obsidentibus tradidit. In quam cum Alboin per portam quae dicitur Sancti Iohannis ab orientali urbis parte introiret, equus eius in portae medio concidens, quamvis calcaribus stimulatus, quamvis hinc inde hastarum verberibus caesus, non poterat elevari. Tunc unus ex eisdem Langobardis taliter regem adlocutus est dicens: «Memento, domine rex, quale votum vovisti. Frange tam durum votum, et ingredieris urbem. Vere etenim christianus est populus in hac civitate». Siquidem Alboin voverat quod universum populum, quia se tradere noluisset, gladio extingueret. Qui postquam tale votum disrumpens civibus indulgentiam promisit, mox eius equus consurgens, ipse civitatem ingressus, nulli laesionem inferens, in sua promissione permansit. Tunc ad eum omnis populus in palatium, quod quondam rex Theudericus construxerat, concurrens, post tantas miserias animum de spe iam fidus coepit [ad] futura relevare.
28. Qui rex postquam in Italia tres annos et sex menses regnavit, insidiis suae coniugis interemptus est. Causa autem interfectionis eius fuit. Cum in convivio ultra quam oportuerat apud Veronam laetus resideret, [cum] poculo quod de capite Cunimundi regis sui soceri fecerat reginae ad bibendum vinum dari praecepit atque eam ut cum patre suo laetanter biberet invitavit. Hoc ne cui videatur impossibile, veritatem in Christo loquor; ego hoc poculum vidi in quodam die festo Ratchis principem ut illud convivis suis ostentaret manu tenentem. Igitur Rosemunda ubi rem animadvertit, altum concipiens in corde dolorem, quem conpescere non valens, mox in mariti necem patris funus vindicatura exarsit, consiliumque mox cum Helmichis, qui regis scilpor, hoc est armiger, et conlactaneus erat, ut regem interficeret iniit. Qui reginae persuasit, ut ipsa Peredeo, qui erat vir fortissimus, in hoc consilium adsciret. Peredeo cum reginae suadenti tanti nefas consensum adhibere nollet, illa se noctu in lectulo suae vestiariae, cum qua Peredeo stupri consuetudinem habebat, supposuit; ubi Peredeo rem nescius veniens, cum regina concubuit. Cumque illa patrato iam scelere ab eo quaereret, quam se esse extimaret, et ipse nomen suae amicae, quam esse putabat, nominasset, regina subiunxit: «Nequaquam ut putas, sed ego Rosemunda sum» inquit. «Certe nunc talem rem, Peredeo, perpetratam habes, ut aut tu Alboin interficies, aut ipse te suo gladio extinguet». Tunc ille intellexit malum quod fecit, et qui sponde noluerat, tali modo in regis necem coactus adsensit. Tunc Rosemunda, dum se Alboin in meridie sopori dedisset, magnum in palatio silentium fieri praecipiens, omnia alia arma subtrahens, spatam illius ad lectuli caput, ne tolli aut evaginari possit, fortiter conligavit, et, iuxta consilium Helmichis, Peredeo interfectorem omni bestia crudaior introduxit. Alboin subito de sopore experrectus, malum quod imminebat intellegens, manum citius ad spatam porrexit; quam strictius religatam abstrahere non valens, adprehenso tamen scabello subpedaneo, se cum eo per aliquod spatium defendit. Sed heu! pro dolor! vir bellicosissimus et summae audaciae nihil contra hostem praevalens, quasi unus de inertibus interfectus est, uniusque mulierculae consilio periit, qui per tot hostium strages bello famosissimus extitit. Cuius corpus cum maximo Langobardorum fletu et lamentis sub cuiusdam scalae ascensu, quae palatio erat contigua, sepultum est. Fuit autem statura procerus et ad bella peragenda toto corpore coaptatus. Huius tumulum nostris in diebus Giselpert, qui dux Veronensium fuerat, aperiens, spatam eius et si quid in ornatu ipsius inventum fuerat abstulit. Qui se ob hanc causam vanitate solita apud indoctos homines Alboin vidisse iactabat.
29. Igitur Helmichis, extincto Alboin, regnum eius invadere conatus est. Sed minime potuit, quia Langobardi, nimium de morte illius dolentes, eum moliebantur extinguere. Statimque Rosemunda Longino praefecto Ravennae mandavit, ut citius navem dirigeret, quae eos suscipere possit. Longinus tali nuntio laetus effectus, festinanter navem direxit, in quam Helmichis cum Rosemunda, sua iam coniuge, noctu fugientes ingressi sunt. Auferentesque secum Albsuindam regis filiam, et omnem Langobardorum thesaurum, velocius Ravennam pervenerunt. Tunc Longinus praefectus suadere coepit Rosemundae, ut Helmichis interficeret et eius se nuptiis copularet. Illa ut erat ad omnem nequitiam facilis, dum optat Ravennatium domina fieri, ad tantum perpetrandum facinus adsensum dedit; atque dum Helmichis se in balneo ablueret, egredienti ei de lavacro veneni poculum, quod salutis esse adseverabat, propinavit. Ille ubi sensit se mortis poculum bibisse, Rosemundam, evaginato super eam gladio, quod reliquum erat bibere coegit. Sicque Dei omnipotentis iudicio interfectores iniquissimi uno momento perierunt.
30. His ita peremptis, Longinus praefectus Albsuindam cum Langobardorum thesauris Constantinopolim ad imperatorem direxit. Adfirmant aliqui, etiam Peredeo pariter cum Helmichis et Rosemunda Ravennam venisse atque exinde cum Albsuinda Constantinopolim directum esse ibique in spectaculo populi coram imperatore leonem mirae magnitudinis occidisse. Cui, ut ferunt, ne quid [aliquid] malignum in regia urbe, quia vir fortis erat, moliretur, iussu imperatoris oculi evulsi sunt. Qui sibi post aliquod tempus duos cultellos aptavit; quibus in utrisque suis manicis absconsis, palatium petiit atque se quaedam ad Augusti utilitatem, si ad eum intromitteretur, locuturum promisit. Ad quem Augustus duos sibi familiares, qui eius verba susciperent, patricios misit. Qui cum ad Peredeo venissent, ille ad eos, quasi aliquid eis secretius dicturu, propius accessit atque ambos utraque manu gladiis, quos absconsos habebat, fortiter vulneravit, ita ut statim in terram corruerent et expirarent. Sic Samsonis illius fortissimi ex aliqua parte non absimilis, suas iniuras ultus est et pro amissione duorum luminum duos imperatori viros utillimos interemit.
31. Langobardi vero apud Italiam omnes communi consilio Cleph [562-574], nobilissimum de suis virum, in urbe Ticinensium sibi regem statuerunt. Hic multos Romanorum viros potentes, alios gladiis extinxit, alios ab Italia exturbavit. Iste cum annum unum et sex menses cum Masane sua coniuge regnum obtinuisset, a puero de suo obsequio gladio iugulatus est.
32. Post cuius mortem Langobardi per annos decem regem non habentes sub ducibus fuerunt. Unusquisque enim ducum suam civitatem obtinebat: Zaban Ticinum, Wallari Bergamum, Alichis Brexiam, Eoin Tridentum, GisuIfus Forumiulii. Sed et alii extra hos in suis urbibus triginta duces fuerunt. His diebus multi nobilium Romanorum ob cupiditatem interfecti sunt. Reliqui vero per hospites divisi, ut tertiam partem suarum frugum Langobardis persolverent, tributarii efficiuntur. Per hos Langobardorum duces, septimo anno ab adventu Alboin et totius gentis, spoliatis ecclesiis, sacerdotibus interfectis, civitatibus subrutis populisque, qui more segetum excreverant, extinctis, exceptis his regionibus quas Alboin ceperat, Italia ex maxima parte capta et a Langobardis subiugata est.
Explicit liber secundus.
Liber III
«Corona ferrea»,
Langobardica appellata
(saec. IX)
Incipit liber tertius.
1. Igitur aliquanti ex ducibus Langobardorum cum valido exercitu Gallias ingrediuntur. Horum adventum vir Dei Hospitius, qui apud Niceam erat inclausus, sancto sibi revelante Spiritu, longe ante praevidit eiusdemque urbis civibus, quae mala inminerent, praedixit. Erat enim vir iste magnae abstinentiae et probabilis vitae; qui constrictus ad carnem catenis ferreis, induto desuper cilicio, solo pane in cibo cum paucis dactilis utebatur. In diebus autem quadragesimae radicibus herbarum Aegyptiarum, quibus heremitae utuntur, exhibentibus sibi negotiatoribus, alebatur. Per hunc Dominus magnas virtutes operari dignatus est, quae scriptae habentur in libris venerabilis viri Gregorii Toronensis episcopi. Igitur vir iste sanctus adventum Langobardorum in Gallias hoc modo praedixit: «Venient» inquit «Langobardi in Gallias et devastabunt civitates septem, eo quod increverit malitia eorum in conspectu Domini. Est enim omnis populus periuriis deditus, furtis obnoxius, rapinis intentus, homicidiis prumptus, in quibus non est iustitiae fructus: non decimae dantur, non pauper alitur, non tegitur nudus, non suscipitur hospitio peregrinus. Ideo haec plaga ventura est super populum istum». Monachis quoque suis praecipiens dixit: «Abscedite et vos a loco isto, auferentes vobiscum quae habetis. Ecce enim gens appropriat quam praedixi». Dicentibus autem illis: «Non relinquimus te, sanctissime pater», ait: «Nolite timere pro me. Futurum est enim, ut inferant mihi iniurias, sed non nocebunt usque ad mortem».
2. Discedentibus autem monachis, advenit exercitus Langobardorum. Qui dum cuncta quae reppererat vastaret, ad locum ubi vir sanctus inclausus erat pervenit. At ille per fenestram turris se eis ostendit. Illi vero circumeuntes turrem, dum aditum quaererent, per quem ad eum ingredi possent, et minime invenirent, duo ex eis ascendentes tectum, discoperierunt illud. Et videntes eum cinctum catenis indutumque cilicio, dicunt: «Hic malefactor est et homicidium fecit, ideo in his ligaminibus vinctus tenetur». Vocatumque interpretem, sciscitantur ab eo, quid mali fecerit, ut tali supplicio artaretur. At ille fatetur, se homicidam esse omniumque criminum reum. Tunc unus, extracto gladio, ut caput eius amputaret, mox eius dextera in ipso ictu suspensa diriguit, nec eam ad se potuit revocare. Qui relictum gladium terrae deiecit. Haec videntes socii eius, clamorem in caelo dederunt, flagitantes a sancto, ut, quid eis agendum esset, clementer insinuaret. Ipse vero imposito salutis signo arens brachium sanitatis restituit. Langobardus autem qui sanatus fuerat ad fidem Christi conversus, statim clericus, deinde monachus effectus est atque in eodem loco usque ad finem vitae suae in Dei servitio permansit. Beatus vero Hospitius dum Langobardis Dei verbum loqueretur, duo duces, qui eum venerabiliter audierunt, incolomes patriae redditi sunt; quidam vero, qui eius verba despexerant, in ipsa Provincia miserabiliter perierunt.
3. Igitur devastantibus Langobardis Gallias, Amatus patricius Provinciae, qui Gunthramno regi Francorum parebat, contra eos exercitum duxit, commissoque bello, terga vertit ibique extinctus est. Tantamque tunc stragem Langobardi de Burgundionibus fecerunt, ut non possit colligi numerus occisorum. Ditatique inaestimabili praeda ad Italiam revertuntur.
4. Quibus disce[n]dentibus, Eunius, qui et Mummulus, accersitus a rege, patriciatus honorem emeruit. Inruentibus autem iterum Langobardis in Gallias et usque Mustiascalmes accedentibus, qui locus Ebredunensi adiacet civitati, Mummulus exercitum movit et cum Burgundionibus illuc proficiscitur. Circumdatisque Langobardis cum exercitu, factis etiam concidibus per devia silvarum, inruit super eos multosque ex eis interfecit; nonnullos vero cepit et regi suo Gunthramno direxit. Langobardi quoque, his patratis, ad Italiam sunt regressi.
5. Post haec Saxones, qui cum Langobardis in Italiam venerant, in Gallias prorumpunt et intra terretorium Regensem, id est apud Stablonem villam, castra constituunt, discurrentes per villas urbium vicinarum, diripientes praedas, captivos abducentes vel etiam cuncta vastantes. Quod cum Mummulus conperisset, super eos cum exercitu inruit multosque ex ei interfecit; donec nox finem faceret, caedere non cessavit. Ignaros enim reppererat homines et nihil de his quae accesserant autumantes. Mane autem facto, statuunt Saxones exercitum, praeparantes se fortiter ad bellum; sed intercurrentibus nuntiis, pacem fecerunt, datisque muneribus Mummulo, relictis captivis et universa praeda, ad Italiam revertuntur.
6. Igitur regressi saxones in Italiam, adsumptis secum uxoribus atque parvulis suis vel omni supellectili, rursum ad Gallias deliberant redire, scilicet ut a Sigiberto rege suscepti, eius possint adiutorio ad patriam remeare. Certum est autem hos Saxones ideo ad Italiam cum uxoribus et parvulis advenisse, ut in ea habitare deberent; sed, quantum datur intellegi, noluerunt Langobardorum imperiis subiacere. Sed neque eis a Langobardis permissum est in proprio iure subsistere, ideoque aestimantur ad suam patriam repedasse. Hi Gallias ingressuri, duos ex se cuneos faciunt; et unus quidem cuneus per Niceam urbem, alter vero per Ebredunum ingressus est, illa revertens via, quam anno superiore tenuerat. Hi, quia tempus messium erat, colligentes ac triturantes frumenta, comedebant ac suis animantibus ad esum praebebant. Depraedabantur pecora, sed nec ab incendiis abstinebant. Qui cum ad Rodanum amnem pervenissent, ut transmeato eo, regno se Sigiberti conferrent, occurrit eis Mummulus cum valida multitudine. Tunc illi valde viso eo timentes, datis pro redemptione sua multis auri nummismatibus Rodanum transire permissi sunt. Qui dum ad Sigibertum regem pergunt, multos in itinere negotiatione sua deceperunt, venundantes regulas aeris, quae ita, nescio quomodo, erant coloratae, ut auri probati atque examinati speciem simularent. Unde nonnulli hoc dolo seducti, dantes aurum et aes accipientes, pauperes sunt effecti. Pervenientes tamen ad regem Sigibertum, ad locum unde prius egressi fuerant redire permissi sunt.
7. Qui dum ad suam patriam venissent, invenerunt eam a Suavis et aliis gentibus, sicut supra commemoravimus, retineri. Contra quos insurgentes, conati sunt eos extrudere ac delere. At illi optulerunt eis tertiam partem regionis, dicentes: «Simul possumus vivere et sine conlisione communiter habitare». Cumque illi nullo modo adquiescerent, dehinc optulerunt eis medietatem; post haec duas partes, sibi tantum tertiam reservantes. Nolentibus autem illis, optulerunt cum terra etiam omnia pecora, tantum ut a bello cessarent. Sed nec hoc Saxones adquiescentes, certamen expetunt atque inter se ante certamen, qualiter uxores Suavorum dividerent, statuunt. Sed non eis ut putabant evenit. Nam commisso proelio, viginti milia ex eis interempta sunt, Suavorum vero quadringenti octoginta ceciderunt, reliqui vero victoriam capiunt. Sex milia quoque Saxonum, qui bello superfuerant, devoverunt, se neque barbam neque capilIos incisuros, nisi se de Suavis hostibus ulciscerentur. Qui iterum pugnam adgredientes vehementer adtriti sunt, et sic a bello quieverunt. Mummulo porrexit eumque citius adventare dixit. Quo conperto, Zaban et Rodanus exinde mox ad propria discesserunt. His auditis, Amo, collecta omni praeda, Italiam rediturus proficiscitur; sed resistentibus nivibus, praedam ex magna parte relinquens, vix cum suis Alpinum tramitem erumpere potuit a sic ad patriam pervenit.
9. His diebus advenientibus Francis, Anagnis castrum, quod super Tridentum io confinio Italiae positum est, se eisdem tradidit. Quam ob causam comes Langobardorum de Lagare, Ragilo nomine, Anagnis veniens depraedatus est. Qui dum cum praeda reverteretur, in campo Rotaliani, ab obvio sibi duce Francorum Chramnichis cum pluribus e suis peremptus est. Qui Chramnichis non multum post tempus Tridentum veniens devastavit. Quem subsequens Euin Tridentinus dux, in loco qui Salurnis dicitur, suis cum sociis interfecit praedamque omnem quam ceperat excussit expulsisque Francis, Tridentinum territorium recepit.
10. Hoc tempore Sigibertus rex Francorum occisus est fraude Hilperici, germani sui, cum quo bellum inierat, regnumque eius Childebertus, eiusdem filius, adhuc puerulus, cum Brunichilde matre regendum suscepit. Euin quoque dux Tridentinorum, de quo praemisimus, accepit uxorem filiam Garibaldi Baioariorum regis.
11. Per haec tempora apud Constantinopolim, ut supra praemissum est, iustinus minor regnabat, vir in omni avaritia deditus, contemptor pauperum, senatorum spoliator. Cui tanta fuit cupiditatis rabies, ut arcas iuberet ferreas fieri, in quibus ea quae rapiebat auri talenta congereret. Quem etiam ferunt in heresim Pelagianam dilapsum. Hic cum a divinis mandatis aurem cordis averteret, iusto Dei iudicio amisso rationis intellectu amens effectus est. Hic Tiberium Caesarem adscivit, qui eius palatium vel singulas provincias gubernaret, hominem iustum, utilem, strenuum, sapientem, elemosinarium, in iudiciis aequum, in victoriis clarum et, quod his omnibus supereminet, verissimum christianum. Hic cum multa de thesauris quos Iustinus adgregaverat pauperibus erogaret, Sophia Augusta frequentius eum increpabat, quod rem publicam redigisset in paupertatem, dicens: «Quod ego multis annis congregavi, tu infra paucum tempus prodige dispergis». Agebat autem ille: «Confido in Domino, quia non deerit pecunia fisco nostro, tantum ut pauperes elemosinam accipiant aut captivi redimantur. Hoc est enim magnum thesaurum, dicente Domino: «Thesaurizate vobis thesauros in caelo, ubi neque aerugo neque tinea corrumpit, et ubi fures non effodiunt nec furantur». Ergo de his quae Dominus tribuit congregemus thesauros in caelo et Dominus nobis augere dignabitur in saeculo». Igitur Iustinus cum undecim annis regnasset, amentiam, quam incurrerat, tandem cum vita finivit. [Bella sane, quae per Narsetem patricium Gothis vel Francis inlata superius per anticipationem diximus, huius temporibus gesta sunt.] Denique et cum Roma temporibus Benedicti papae, vastantibus omnia per circuitum Langobardis, famis penuria laboraret, multa milia frumenti navibus ab Aegypto dirigens, eam suae studio misericordiae relevavit.
12. Mortuo igitur Iustino, Tiberius Constantinus, Romanorum regum quinquagesimus, sumpsit imperium. Hic cum, ut superius diximus, sub Iustino adhuc Caesar palatium regeret et multas cottidie elemosinas faceret, magnam ei Dominus auri copiam subministravit. Nam deambulans per palatium vidit in pavimento domus tabulam marmoream, in qua erat crux dominica sculpta, et ait: «Crucem Domini frontem nostram et pectora munire debemus, et ecce eam sub pedibus conculcamus». Et dicto citius iussit eandem tabulam auferri. Defossamque tabulam atque erectam, inveniunt subter et aliam hoc Signum habentem. Qui et ipsam iussit auferri. Qua amota, repperiunt et tertiam. Iussuque eius cum et haec fuisset ablata, inveniunt magnum thesaurum habentem supra mille auri centenaria. Sublatumque aurum, pauperibus adhuc abundantius quam consueverat largitur. Narsis quoque patricius Italiae cum in quadam civitate intra Italiam domum magnam haberet, cum multis thesauris ad supra memoratam urbem advenit; ibique in domo sua occulte cisternam magnam fodit, in qua multa milia centenariorum auri argentique reposuit. Interfectisque omnibus consciis, uni tantummodo seni haec per iuramentum ab eo exigens commendavit. Defuncto vero Narsete, supradictus senex ad Caesarem Tiberium veniens, dixit: «Si» inquit «mihi aliquid prodest, magnam rem tibi, Caesar, edicam». Cui ille: «Dic» ait «quod vis; proderitenim tibi, si quid nobis profuturum esse narraveris». «Thesaurum» inquit «Narsetis reconditum habeo quod in extremo vitae positus celare non possum.» Tunc Caesar Tiberius gavisus mittit usque ad locum pueros suos. [P]r[a]ecedente vero sene hi secuntur attoniti; pervenientesque ad cisternam, deopertamque ingrediuntur. In qua tantum aurum vel argentum repertum est, ut per multos dies vix a deportantibus potuisset evacuari. Quae ille paene omnia secundum suum morem erogatione largiflua dispensavit egenis. Hic cum augustalem coronam accepturus esset, eumque iuxta consuetudinem ad spectaculum circi populus expectaret, insidias ei praeparans [Sophia Augusta], ut Iustinianum, Iustini nepotem, ad dignitatem imperatoriam sublimaret: ille per loca sancta prius procedens, dehinc vocatum ad se pontificem urbis, cum consulibus ac praefectis palatium ingressus, indutus purpura, diademate coronatus, throno imperiali inpositus, cum immensis laudibus in regni est gloria confirmatus. Quod eius adversarii audientes nihilque ei, qui in Deo spem suam posuerat, officere valentes, magno sunt confusianis pudore cooperti. Transactis autem paucis diebus, adveniens Iustinianus, pedibus se proiecit imperatoris, ab meritum gratiae quindecim ei auri centenaria deferens. Quem ille secundum patientiae suae ritum colligens, sibi in palatio assistere iussit. Sophia vero Augusta, immemor promissionis quam condam in Tiberium habuerat, insidias ei temptavit ingerere. Procedente autem ea ad villam, ut iuxta ritum imperiale triginta diebus ad vindemiam iocundaretur, vacata clam Iustiniano, valuit eum sublimare in regna. Quo comperto, Tiberius cursu veloci Constantinopolim regreditur adprehensamque Augustam omnibus thesauris spoliavit, solum ei victus cottidiani alimentum relinquens. Segregatisque pueris eius ab ea, alias de fidelibus suis posuit, qui ei parerent, mandans prorsus, ut nullus de anterioribus ad eam haberet accessum. Iustinianum, vero verbis solummodo obiurgatum, tanto in posterum amore dilexit, ut filio eius filiam suam promitteret rursumque filio suo filiam eius expeteret. Sed haec res, quam ob causam nescio, ad effectum minime pervenit. Huius exercitus ob ea directus Persas potentissime debellavit; victorque regrediens, tantam molem predae cum viginti pariter elefantis detulit, ut humanae crederetur posse sufficere cupiditati.
13. Ad hunc Hilpericus Francorum rex suos legatos dirigens, multa ab ea ornamenta, aureas etiam singularum librarum suscepit, habentes ab una parte effigiem imperatoris et scriptum in circulo: TIBERII. CONSTANTINI. PERPETVI. AVGVSTI, ab alia vero parte habentes quadrigam et ascensorem continentes scriptum: GLORIA. ROMANORVM. Huius in diebus beatus Gregorius diaconus, qui post papa extitit, cum esset apocrisarius, apud eandem regiam urbem, Morales libros composuit Euthiciumque eiusdem urbis episcopum de resurrectione errantem in conspectu eiusdem Augusti superavit. Hac etiam tempestate Faroald, primus Spolitanorum dux, cum Langobardorum exercitu Classem invadens, opulentam urbem spoliatam cunctis divitiis nudam reliquit.
14. Mortuo vero apud Aquileiam patriarcha Probino, qui ecclesiam unum rexerat annum, eidem ecclesiae sacerdos Helias praeficitur.
15. Tiberius igitur Constantinus postquam imperium septem rexerat annis, sentiens sibi diem mortis imminere, una cum consilio Sophiae Augustae Mauricium, genere Cappadocem, virum strenuum, ad imperium elegit, ornatamque suam filiam regalibus ornamentis, ei eam tradidit, dicens: «Sit tibi imperium meum cum hac puella concessum. Utere eo felix, memor semper, ut aequitate et iustitia delecteris». Haec postquam dixit, de hac luce ad aeternam patriam migravit, magnum luctum populis de sua morte relinquens. Fuit enim summae bonitatis, in elemosinis promptus, in iudiciis iustus, in iudicando cautissimus, nullum despiciens, sed omnes in bona voluntate complectens; omnes diligens, ipse quoque est dilectus a cunctis. Quo defuncto, Mauricius indutus purpura, redimitus diademate, ad circum processit, adclamatisque sibi laudibus, largita populo munera, primus ex Grecorum genere in imperio confirmatus est.
16. At vero Langobardi cum per annos decem sub potestate ducum fuissent, tandem communi consilio Authari [584-590], Clephonis filium supra memorati principis, regem sibi statuerunt. Quem etiam ob dignitatem Flavium appellarunt. Quo praenomine omnes qui postea fuerunt Langobardorum reges feliciter usi sunt. Huius in diebus ob restaurationem regni duces qui tunc erant omnem substantiarum suarum medietatem regalibus usibus tribuunt, ut esse possit, unde rex ipse sive qui ei adhaererent eiusque obsequiis per diversa officia dediti alerentur. Populi tamen adgravati per Langobardos hospites partiuntur. Erat sane hoc mirabile in regno Langobardorum: nulla erat violentia, nullae struebantur insidiae; nemo aliquem iniuste angariabat, nemo spoliabat; non erant furta, non latrocinia; unusquisque quo libebat securus sine timore pergebat.
17. Hoc tempore Mauricius imperator Childeperto regi Francorum quinquaginta milia solidos per legatos suos direxit, ut cum exercitu super Langobardos inrueret eosque de Italia exterminaret. Qui cum innumera Francorum multitudine in Italiam subito introivit. Langobardi vero in civitatibus se communientes, intercurrentibus legatis oblatisque muneribus, pacem cum Childeberto fecerunt. Qui cum ad Gallias remeasset, cognito imperator Mauricius, quia cum Langobardis foedus inierit, solidos, quos ei ob Langobardorum detrimentum dederat, repetere coepit. Sed ille suarum virium potentia fretus, pro hac re nec responsum reddere voluit.
18. His ita gestis, Authari rex Brexillum civitatem super Padi marginem positam expugnare adgressus est. In qua Droctulft dux a Langobardis confugerat, seque partibus imperatoris tradens, sociatus militibus, Langobardorum exercitui fortiter resistebat. Iste ex Suavorum, hoc est Alamannorum, gente oriundus, inter Langobardos creverat et, quia erat forma idoneus, ducatus honorem emeruerat; sed cum occasionem ulciscendae suae captivitatis repperit, contra Langobardorum ilico arma surrexit. Adversus quem Langobardi gravia bella gesserunt, tandemque eum cum militibus quos iuvabat exuperantes, Ravennam cedere compulerunt. Brexillus capta est, muri quoque eius solum ad usque destructi sunt. Post haec Authari rex cum Smaracdo patricio, qui tunc Ravennae preerat, usque in annum tertium pacem fecit.
19. Huius sane Droctulft, de quo praemisimus, amminiculo saepe Ravennatium milites adversum Langobardos dimicarunt, extructaque classe, Langobardos, qui Classem urbem tenebant, hoc adiuvante pepulerunt. Cui, cum vitae explesset terminum, honorabile sepulchrum ante limina Beati Vitalis martyris tribuentes, tali eius laudes epitaphio extulerunt:
Clauditur hoc tumulo, tantum sed corpore, Drocton;
Nam meritis toto vivit in orbe suis.
Cum Bardis fuit ipse quidem, nam gente Suavus;
Omnibus et populis inde suavis erat.
5
Terribilis visu facies, sed mente benignus,
Longaque robusto pectore barba fuit.
Hic et amans semper Romana ac publica signa,
Vastator genti adfuit ipse suae.
Contempsit caros, dum nos amat ille, parentes,
10
Hanc patriam reputans esse, Ravenna, suam.
Huius prima fuit Brexilli gloria capti;
Quo residens cunctis hostibus horror erat.
Quo Romana potens valuit post signa iubare,
Vexillum primum Christus habere dedit.
15
Inde etiam, retinet dum Classem fraude Faroaldus,
Vindicet ut Classem, classibus arma parat.
Puppibus exiguis decertans amne Badrino,
Bardorum innumeras vicit et ipse manus.
Rursus et in terris Avarem superavit eois,
20
Conquirens dominis maxima lucra suis.
Martyris auxilio Vitalis fultus, ad istos
Pervenit victor saepe triumphos ovans;
Cuius et in templis petiit sua membra iacere,
Haec loca post mortem bustis habere iubat.
25
Ipse sacerdotem moriens petit ista Iohannem,
His rediit terris cuius amore pio.
20. Denique post Benedictum papam Pelagius Romanae ecclesiae pontifex absque iussione principis ordinatus est, eo quod Langobardi Romam per circuitum obsiderent, nec posset quisquam a Roma progredi. Hic Pelagius Heliae Aquileiensi episcopo, nolenti tria capitula Calchidonensis synodi suscipere, epistolam satis utilem misit, quam beatus Gregorius, cum esset adhuc diaconus, conscripsit.
21. Interea Childebertus rex Francorum bellum adversum Hispanos gerens, eosdem acie superavit. Causa autem huius certaminis ista fuit. Childebertus rex Ingundem sororem suam Herminigildo, Levigildi Hispanorum regis filio, in coniugium tradiderat. Qui Herminigildus praedicatione Leandri episcopi Hispalensis atque adhortatione suae coniugis ab Arriana heresi, qua pater suus languebat, ad catholicam fidem conversus fuerat. Quem pater impius in ipso sacrato paschali die securi percussum interemerat. Ingundis vero post mariti et martyris funus de Hispanis fugiens, dum Gallias repedare vellet, in manus militum incidens, qui in limite adversum Hispanos Gothos residebant, cum parvo filio capta atque in Siciliam ducta est ibique diem clausit extremum. Filius vero eius imperatori Mauricio Constantinopolim est transmissus.
22. Rursum Mauricius Augustus legatos ad Childebertum mittens, eum, ut contra Langobardos in Italiam exercitum dirigeret, persuasit. Childebertus existimans suam adhuc germanam apud Constantinopolim vivere, legatis Mauricii adquiescens, ut suam possit sororem recipere, iterum adversus Langobardos Francorum exercitum ad Italiam direxit. Contra quos dum Langobardorum acies properarent, Franci et Alamanni dissensionem inter se ha bentes, sine ullius lucri conquisitione ad patriam sunt reversi.
23. Eo tempore fuit aquae diluvium in finibus Venetia rum et Liguriae seu ceteris regionibus Italiae, quale post Noe tempore creditur non fuisse. Factae sunt lavinae pos sessionum seu villarum, hominumque pariter et animan tium magnus interitus. Destructa sunt itinera, dissipatae viae, tantumtuncque Atesis fluvius excrevit, ut circa ba silicam Beati Zenonis martyris, quae extra Veronensis ur bis muros sita est, usque ad superiores fenestras aqua per tingeret, licet, sicut et beatus Gregorius post papa scri psit, in eandem basilicam aqua minime introierit. Urbis quoque eiusdem Veronensis muri ex parte aliqua eadem sunt inundatione subruti. Facta est autem haec inundatio sexto decimo kalendas novembris. Sed tantae coruscatio nes et tonitrua fuerunt, quantae fieri vix aestivo tempore solent. Post duos quoque menses eadem urbs Veronen sium magna ex parte incendio concremata est.
24. In hac diluvii effusione in tantum apud urbem Ro mam fluvius Tiberis excrevit, ut aquae eius super muros urbis influerent et maximas in ea regiones occuparent. Tunc per alveum eiusdem fluminis cum multa serpentium multitudine draco etiam mirae magnitudinis per urbem transiens usque ad mare discendit. Subsecuta statim est hanc inundationem gravissima pestilentia, quam inguina riam appellant. Quae tanta strage populum devastavit, ut de inaestimabili multitudine vix pauci remanerent. Pri mumque Pelagium papam, virum venerabilem, perculit et sine mora extinxit. Deinde, pastore interempto, sese per populos extendit. In hac tanta tribulatione beatissimus Gregorius, qui tunc levita erat, a cunctis generaliter papa electus est. Qui dum septiformem laetaniam fieri ordinasset, intra unius horae spatium, dum hi Deum deprecarentur, octuaginta ex eis subito ad terram corruentes, spiritum exalarunt. Septiformis autem laetania ideo dicta est, quia omnis urbis populus a beato Gregorio in septem partes deprecaturus Dominum est divisus. In primo namque choro fuit omnis clerus, in secundo omnes abbates cum monachis suis, in tertio omnes abbatissae cum congregationibus suis, in quarto omnes infantes, in quinto omnes laici, in sexto universae viduae, in septimo omnes mulieres coniugatae. Ideo autem de beato Gregorio plura dicere obmittimus, quia iam ante aliquot annos eius vitam, Deo auxiliante, texuimus. In qua quae dicenda fuerant iuxta tenuitatis nostrae vires universa descripsimus.
25. Hoc tempore isdem beatus Gregorius Augustinum et Mellitum et Iohannem cum aliis pluribus monachis timentibus Deum in Brittaniam misit eorumque praedicatione ad Christum Anglos convertit.
26. His diebus, defuncto Helia Aquileiensi patriarcha postquam quindecim annos sacerdotium gesserat, Severus huic succedens regendam suscepit ecclesiam. Quem Smaracdus patricius veniens de Ravenna in Gradus, per semet ipsum e basilica extrahens, Ravennam cum iniuria duxit cum aliis tribus ex Histria episcopis, id est Iohanne Parentino et Severo atqueVindemio, necnon etiam Antonio iam sene Ecclesiae defensore. Quibus comminans exilia atque violentiam inferens, communicare conpulit Iohanni Ravennati episcopo, trium capitulorum damnatori, qui a tempore papae Vigilii vel Pelagii a Romanae Ecclesiae desciverat societate. Exempto vero anno, e Ravenna ad Gradus reversi sunt. Quibus nec plebs communicare voluit, nec ceteri episcopi eos receperunt. Smaracdus patricius a daemonio non iniuste correptus, successorem Romanum patricium accipiens, Constantinopolim remeavit. Post haec facta est sinodus decem episcoporum in Mariano, ubi receperunt Severum patriarcham Aquilei .ensem dantem libellum erroris sui, quia trium capitulorum damnatoribus communicarat Ravennae. Nomina vero episcoporum qui se ab hoc scismate cohibuerunt haec sunt: Petrus de Altino, Clarissimus [Concordiensis], Ingenuinus de Sabione, Agnellus Tridentinus, Iunior Veronensis, Horontius Vicentinus, Rusticus de Tarvisio, Fonteius Feltrinus, Agnellus de Acilo, Laurentius Bellunensis, Maxentius Iuliensis et Adrianus Polensis. Cum patriarcha autem communicaverunt isti episcopi: Severus, Parentinus Iohannes, Patricius, Vindemius et Iohannes.
27. Hac tempestate rex Authari ad Histriam exercitum misit; cui exercitui Euin dux Tridentinus praefuit. Qui post praedas et incendia, facta pace in annum unum, magnam pecuniam regi detulerunt. Alii quoque Langobardi in insula Comacina Francionem magistrum militum, qui adhuc de Narsetis parte fuerat et iam se per viginti annos continuerat, obsidebant. Qui Francio post sex menses obsidionis suae Langobardis eandem insulam tradidit, ipse vero, ut optaverat, dimissus a rege, cum sua uxore et supellectili Ravennam properavit. Inventae sunt in eadem insula divitiae multae, quae ibi de singulis fuerant civitatibus commendatae.
28. At vero Flavius rex Authari legatos ad Childebertum misit, petens eius germanam suo matrimonio sociari. Cumque Childebertus, acceptis muneribus a Langobardorum legatis, suam germanam eorum regi se daturum promisisset, advenientibus tamen Gothorum de Hispania legatis, eandem suam germanam, eo quod gentem illam ad fidem catholicam conversam fuisse cognoverat, repromisit.
29. Inter haec legationem ad imperatorem Mauricium direxit, mandans ei, ut, quod prius non fecerat, nunc contra Langobardorum gentem bellum susciperet atque cum eius consilio eos ab Italia removeret. Qui nihil moratus, exercitum suum ad Langobardorum debellationem in Italiam direxit. Cui Authari rex et Langobardorum acies non segniter obviam pergunt proque libertatis statu fortiter confligunt. In ea pugna Langobardi victoriam capiunt; Franci vehementer caesi, nonnulli capti, plurimi etiam per fugam elapsi vix ad patriam revertuntur. Tantaque ibi strages facta est de Francorum exercitu quanta usquam alibi non memoratur. Mirandum sane est cur Secundus, qui aliqua de Langobardorum gestis scripsit, hanc tantam eorum victoriam praeterierit, cum haec quae praemisimus de Francorum interitu in eorum historia eisdem ipsis paene verbis exarata legantur.
30. Flavius vero rex Authari legatos post haec ad Baioariam misit, qui Garibaldi eorum regis filiam sibi in matrimonium peterent. Quos ille benigne suscipiens, Theudelindam suam filiam Authari se daturum promisit. Qui legati revertentes cum haec Authari nuntiassent, ille per semet ipsum suam sponsam videre cupiens, paucis secum sed expeditis ex Langobardis adhibitis, unumque sibi fidelissimum et quasi seniorem secum ducens, sine mora ad Baioariam perrexit. Qui cum in conspectum Garibaldi regis iuxta morem legatorum introducti essent et is qui cum Authari quasi senior venerat post salutationem verba, ut moris est, intulisset: Authari, cum a nullo illius gentis cognosceretur, ad regem Garibaldum propinquius accedens ait: «Dominus meus Authari rex me proprie ob hoc direxit, ut vestram filiam, ipsius sponsam, quae nostra domina futura est, debeam conspicere, ut qualis eius forma sit, meo valeam domino certius nuntiare». Cumque rex haec audiens filiam venire iussisset, eamque Authari, ut erat satis eleganti forma, tacito nutu contemplatus esset, eique satis per omnia conplacuisset, ait ad regem: «Quia talem filiae vestrae personam cernimus, ut eam merito nostram reginam fieri optemus, si placet vestrae potestati, de eius manu, sicut nobis postea factura est, vini poculum sumere preoptamus». Cumque rex id ut fieri deberet, annuisset, illa, accepto vini poculo, ei prius qui senior esse videbatur propinavit. Deinde cum Authari, quem suum esse sponsum nesciebat, porrexisset, ille, postquam bibit ac poculum redderet, eius manum, nemine animadvertente, digito tetigit dexteramque suam sibi a fronte per nasum ac faciem produxit. Illa hoc suae nutrici rubore perfusa nuntiavit. Cui nutrix sua ait: «Iste nisi ipse rex et sponsus tuus esset, te omnino tangere non auderet. Sed interim sileamus, ne hoc patri tuo fiat cognitum. Re enim vera digna persona est, quae tenere debeat regnum et tuo sociari coniugio». Erat autem tunc Authari iuvenili aetate floridus, statura decens, candido crine perfusus et satis decorus aspectu. Qui mox, a rege comeatu accepto, iter patriam reversuri arripiunt deque Noricorum finibus festinanter abscedunt. Noricorum siquidem provincia, quam Baioariorum populus inhabitat, habet ab oriente Pannoniam, ab occidente Suaviam, a meridie Italiam, ab aquilonis vero parte Danubii fluenta. Igitur Authari cum iam prope Italiae fines venisset secumque adhuc qui eum deducebant Baioarios haberet, erexit se quantum super equum cui praesidebat potuit et toto adnisu securiculam, quam manu gestabat, in arborem quae proximior aderat fixit eamque fixam reliquit, adiciens haec insuper verbis: «Talem Authari feritam facere solet». Cumque haec dixisset, tunc intellexerunt Baioarii qui cum eo comitabantur, eum ipsum regem Authari esse. Denique post aliquod tempus, cum propter Francorum adventum perturbatio Garibaldo regi advenisset, Theudelinda, eius filia, cum suo germano nomine Gundoald ad Italiam confugiit seque adventare Authari suo sponso nuntiavit. Cui statim ille obviam cum magno apparatu nuptias celebraturus in campum Sardis, qui super Veronam est, occurrens, eandem cunctis laetantibus in coniugium idus maias accepit. Erat autem tunc ibi inter ceteros Langobardorum duces Agilulf [591-615] dux Taurinensium civitatis. Quo in loco cum perturbato aere lignum quoddam, quod in regiis septis situm erat, cum magno tonitruorum fragore vi fulminis ictum fuisset, habebat tunc Agilulf quendam de suis aruspicem puerum, qui per artem diabolicam, quid futurum portenderent ictus fulminum, intellegebat. Qui secrete, cum Agilulf ad requisita naturae resideret, eidem dixit: «Mulier ista, quae modo regi nostro nupsit, tua non post multum coniux futura est». Quod ille audiens, caput se eius amputaturum, si hac de re amplius aliquid diceret, comminatus est. Cui ille: «Ego quidem» inquit «occidi possum, [sed fata nequeunt immutari]; nam certe ad hoc ista in hanc patriam femina venit, ut tuis debeat nuptiis copulari». Quod ita quoque post factum est. Hoc tempore, quam ob causam incertum, Ansul cognatus regis Authari, apud Veronam est interfectus.
31. Hac etiam tempestate Grippo, legatus Childeberti regis Francorum, cum a Constantinopoli remeasset et eidem regi suo, quomodo honorifice ab imperatore Mauricio susceptus fuisset, nuntiasset, et quia iniurias, quas apud Carthaginem perpessus fuerat, imperator ad voluntatem Childeberti regis ultum iri promisisset: Childebertus confestim iterato in Italiam exercitum Francorum cum viginti ducibus ad debellandam Langobardorum gentem direxit. E quibus ducibus Audoaldus et Olo et Cedinus eminentiores fuerunt. Sed Olo cum inportune ad Bilitionis castrum accessisset, iaculo sub mamilla sauciatus cecidit et mortuus est. Reliqui vero Franci cum egressi fuissent ad praedandum, a Langobardis inruentibus passim per loca singula prostemebantur. At vero Audoaldus et sex duces Francorum ad Mediolanensium urbem advenientes, ibi eminus in campestribus castra posuerunt. Quo loco ad eos imperatoris legati venerunt, nuntiantes adesse exercitum in solatio eorum dicentesque quia: «Post triduum cum eisdem veniemus et hoc vobis erit signum: cum videritis villae huius, quae in monte sita est, domus incendio concremari et fumum incendii ad caelos usque sustolli, noveritis nos cum exercitu, quem pollicemur, adventare». Sed expectantes Francorum duces diebus sex iuxta placitum, nullum ex his [de] quibus legati imperatoris promiserant, venisse, contemplati sunt. Cedinus autem cum tredecim ducibus laevam Italiae ingressus, quinque castella cepit, a quibus etiam sacramenta exegit. Pervenit etiam exercitus Francorum usque Veronam, et deposuerunt castra plurima per pacem post sacramenta data, quae se eis crediderant nullum ab eis dolum existimantes. Nomina autem castrorum quae diruerunt in territorio Tridentino ista sunt: Tesana, Maletum, Sermiana, Appianum, Fagitana, Cimbra, Vitianum, Bremtonicum, Volaenes, Ennemase, et duo in Alsuca et unum in Verona. Haec omnia castra cum diruta essent a Francis, cives universi ab eis ducti sunt captivi. Pro Ferruge vero castro, intercedentibus episcopis Ingenuino de Savione et Agnello de Tridento, data est redempio, per caput uniuscuiusque viri solidus unus usque ad solidos sexcentos. Interea Francorum exercitum, cum esset tempus aestivum, propter inconsueti aeris incommoditatem, desenteriae morbus graviter exagitare coepit, quo morbo plures ex eis interierunt. Quid plura? Cum per tres menses Prancorum exercitus Italiam pervagaret nihilque proficeret neque se de inimicis ulcisci posset, eo quod se in locis firmissimis contulissent, neque regem attingere valeret, de quo ultio fieret, qui se intra Ticinensem munierat urbem, ut diximus, infirmatus aeris intemperantia ac fame constrictus exercitus redire ad propria destinavit. Qui revertentes ad patriam, in tantum famis penuriam perpessi sunt, ut prius vestimenta propria, insuper etiam et arma ad coemendum victum praeberent, quam ad genitale solum pertingerent.
32. Circa haec tempora putatur esse factum, quod de Authari rege refertur. Fama est enim, tunc eundem regem per Spoletium Beneventum pervenisse eandemque regionem cepisse et usque etiam Regium, extremam Italiae civitatem vicinam Siciliae, perambulasse; et quia ibidem intra maris undas columna quaedam esse posita dicitur, usque ad eam equo sedens accessisse eamque de hastae suae cuspide tetigisse, dicens: «Usque hic erunt Langobardorum fines». Quae columna usque hodie dicitur persistere et columna Authari appellari.
33. Fuit autem primus Langobardorum dux in Benevento nomine Zotto, qui in ea principatus est per curricula viginti annorum.
34. Interea Authari rex legationem verbis pacificis ad Gunthramnum regem Francorum, patruum scilicet Childeberti regis, direxit. A quo legati idem iocunde suscepti, sed ad Childebertum, qui ei nepus ex fratre erat, directi sunt, ut per eius nutum pax cum gente Langobardorum firmaretur. Erat autem Gunthramnus iste, de quo diximus, rex pacificus et omni bonitate conspicuus. Cuius unum factum satis admirabile libet nos huic nostrae historiae breviter inserere, praesertim cum hoc Francorum historia noverimus minime contineri. Is, cum venatum quodam tempore in silvam isset, et, ut adsolet fieri, hac illacque discurrentibus sociis, ipse cum uno fidelissimo tamen suo remansisset, gravissimo somno depressus, caput in genibus eiusdem fidelis sui reclinans, obdormivit. De cuius ore parvum animal in modum reptilis egressum, tenuem rivulum, qui propter discurrebat, ut transire possit, satagere coepit. Tunc isdem in cuius gremio quiescebat spatam suam vagina exemptam super eundem rivulum posuit; super quam illud reptile, de quo diximus, ad partem aliam transmeavit. Quod cum non longe exinde in quoddam foramen montis ingressum fuisset, et post aliquantum spatii regressum super eandem spatam praefatum rivulum transmeasset, rursum in os Gunthramni, de quo exierat, introivit. Gunthramnus post haec de somno expergefactus, mirificam se visionem vidisse narravit. Retulit enim, paruisse sibi in somnis quod fluvium quendam per pontem ferreum transisset et sub montem quendam introisset, ubi multum auri pondus aspexisset. Is vero in cuius gremio caput tenuerat cum dormisset, quid de eo viderat ei per ordinem retulit. Quid plura? Effossus est locus ille, et inestimabiles thesauri, qui ibidem antiquitus positi fuerant, sunt reperti. De quo auro ipse rex postmodum cyborium solidum mirae magnitudinis et magni ponderis fecit, multisque illud preciosissimis gemmis decoratum ad sepulchrum Domini Hierosolimam transmittere voluit. Sed cum minime potuisset, idem supra corpus beati Marcelli martyris, quod in civitate Caballonno sepultum est, ubi sedes regni illius erat, poni fecit; et est ibi usque in praesentem diem. Nec est usquam ullum opus ex auro effectum, quod ei valeat conparari. Sed nos, his breviter quae relatu digna erant contactis, ad historiam revertamur.
35. Interim dum legati Authari regis in Francia morarentur, rex Authari apud Ticinum nonas septembris, veneno, ut tradunt, accepto, moritur postquam sex regnaverat annos. Statimque a Langobardis legatio ad Childebertum regem Francorum missa est, quae Authari regis mortem eidem nuntiaret et pacem ab eo expeteret. Quod ille audiens, legatos quidem suscepit, pacem vero in posterum se daturum promisit. Qui tamen praefatos legatos post aliquot dies, promissa pace, absolvit. Regina vero Theudelinda quia satis placebat Langobardis, permiserunt eam in regia consistere dignitate, suadentes ei, ut sibi quem ipsa voluisset ex omnibus Langobardis virum eligeret, talem scilicet qui regnum regere utiliter possit. Illa vero consilium cum prudentibus habens, Agilulfum ducem Taurinatium et sibi virum et Langobardorum genti regem elegit. Erat enim isdem vir strenuus et bellicosus et tam forma quam animo ad regni gubernacula coaptatus. Cui statim regina ad se venire mandavit, ipsaque ei obviam ad Laumellum oppidum properavit. Qui cum ad eam venisset, ipsa sibi post aliqua verba vinum propinari fecit. Quae cum prior bibisset, residuum Agilulfo ad bibendum tribuit. Is cum reginae, accepto poculo, manum honorabiliter osculatus esset, regina cum rubore subridens, non deberi sibi manum osculari, ait, quem osculum ad os, iungere oporteret. Moxque eum ad suum basium erigens, ei de suis nuptiis deque regni dignitate aperuit. Quid plura? Celebrantur cum magna laetitia nuptiae; suscepit Agilulf, qui fuerat cognatus regis Authari, incoante iam mense novembrio, regiam dignitatem. Sed tamen, congregatis in unum Langobardis, postea mense maio ab omnibus in regnum apud Mediolanum levatus est.
Explicit liber tertius.
Liber IV
Pars galeae Agilulfi
regis Langobardorum
(590 - 615)
Incipit liber quartus.
1. Confirmata igitur Agilulf, qui et Ago dictus est, regia dignitate, causa eorum qui ex castellis Tridentinis captivi a Francis ducti fuerant, Agnellum episcopum Tridentinum in Franciam misit. Qui exinde rediens, secum aliquantos captivos, quos Brunihilde regina Francorum ex proprio pretio redimerat, revocavit. Euin quoque dux Tridentorum ad optinendam pacem ad Gallias perrexit; qua impetrata, regressus est.
2. Hoc anno fuit siccitas nimium gravis a mense ianuario usque ad mensem septembrium; et facta est magna penuria famis. Venit quoque et magna locustarum multitudo in territorium Tridentinum, quae maiores erant quam ceterae locustae; et mirum dictu, herbas paludesque depastae sunt, segetes vero agrorum exigue contigerunt. Sequenti quoque anno pari nihilominus modo adventarunt.
3. His diebus Agilulf rex occidit Mimulfum ducem de insula Sancti Iuliani, eo quod se superiori tempore Francorum ducibus tradidisset. Gaidulfus vero Bergamensis dux in civitate sua Bergamo rebellans, contra regem se communivit; sed datis obsidibus pacem cum rege fecit. Rursum se Gaidulfus in insula Comacina seclausit. Agilulf vero rex in eandem Comacinam insulam ingressus, homines Gaidulfi exinde expulit et thesaurum, quem ibidem a Romanis positum invenerat, Ticinum transtulit. Gaidulfus vero iterato Bergamum confugiens, ibique ab Agilulfo rege obtemptus, rursus in gratiam receptus est. Rebellavit quoque dux Ulfari contra regem Agonem aput Tarvisium et obsessus captusque est ab eo.
4. Hoc anno fuit pestis inguinaria iterum aput Ravennam, Gradus et [in] Histria nimium gravis, sicut et prius ante triginta annos extiterat. Hoc etiam tempore Agilulfus rex cum Avaris pacem fecit. Childepertus quoque bellum gessit cum consobrino suo, Hilperici filio; in quo proelio usque ad triginta milia hominum caesa sunt. Fuit autem tunc hiems frigida nimis, qualem vix aliquis prius recolebat fuisse. In regione quoque Brionum sanguis de nubibus fluxit; et inter Reni fluvii aquas rivulus cruoris emanavit.
5. His diebus sapientissimus ac beatissimus Gregorius papa Romanae urbis, postquam alia multa ad utilitatem sanctae ecclesiae scripserat, etiam libros quattor de vita sanctorum conposuit; quem codicem Dialogum, id est duorum locutionem, quia eum conloquens cum suo diacono Petro ediderat, appellavit. Hos igitur libros praefatus papa Theudelindae reginae direxit, quam sciebat utique et Christi fidei deditam et in bonis actibus esse praecipuam.
6. Per hanc quoque reginam multum utilitatis Dei ecclesia consecuta est. Nam pene omnes ecclesiarum substantias Langobardi, cum adhuc gentilitatis errore tenerentur, invaserunt. Sed huius salubri supplicatione rex permotus, et catholicam fidem tenuit, et multas possessiones ecclesiae Christi largitus est atque episcopos, qui in depressione et abiectione erant, ad dignitatis solitae honorem reduxit.
7. His diebus Tassilo a Childeperto rege Francorum aput Baioariam rex ordinatus est. Qui mox cum exercitu in Sclavorum provinciam introiens, patrata victoria, ad solum proprium cum maxima praeda remeavit.
8. Hac etiam tempestate Romanus patricius et exharchus Ravennae Romam properavit. Qui dum Ravennam revertitur, retenuit civitates quae a Langobardis tenebantur, quarum ista sunt nomina: Sutrium, Polimartium, Horta, Tuder, Ameria, Perusia, Luceolis, et alias quasdam civitates. Quod factum cum regi Agilulfo nuntiatum esset, statim Ticino egressus, cum valido exercitu civitatem Perusium petiit; ibique per dies aliquot Maurisionem ducem Langobardorum, qui se Romanorum partibus tradiderat, obsedit, et sine mora captum vita privavit. Huius regis adventu in tantum beatus Gregorius papa exterritus est, ut ab expositione templi, de quo in Ezechiele legitur, desisteret, sicut ipse quoque in suis homeliis refert. Rex igitur Agilulf, rebus conpositis, Ticinum repedavit. Nec multum post, suggerente maxime Theudelinda regina sua coniuge, sicut eam beatus papa Gregorius suis epistulis saepius ammonuit, cum eodem viro sanctissimo papa Gregorio atque Romanis pacem firmissimam pepigit. Eidemque reginae idem venerabilis sacerdos pro gratiarum actione hanc epistulam direxit:
9. «Gregorius Theudelindae reginae Langobardorum. Quia excellentia vestra ad faciendum pacem studiosius et benigne se, sicut solet, inpenderit, renuntiante filio nostro Probo abbate cognovimus. Nec enim aliter de christianitate vestra confidendum fuit, nisi quia in causa pacis laborem et bonitatem vestram omnibus monstraretis. Unde omnipotenti Deo gratias agimus, qui ita cor vestrum sua pietate regit, ut, sicut fidem rectam tribuit, ita quoque placita sibi vos semper operari concedat. Non enim, excellentissima filia, de sanguine, qui ab utraque parte fundendus fuerat, parvam te credas adquisisse mercedem. Ex qua re voluntati vestrae gratias referentes, Dei nostri misericordiam deprecamur, ut bonorum vobis vicem in corpore et anima hic et in futuro conpenset. Salutantes vos praeterea paterna dilectione hortamur, ut aput excellentissimum coniugem vestrum illa agatis, quatenus christianae rei publicae societatem non rennuat. Nam sicut et vos scire credimus, multis modis est utile, si se ad eius amicitiam conferre voluerit. Vos ergo more vestro quae ad gratiam partium pertinent semper studete atque, ubi causa mercedis se dederit, elaborate,ut bona vestra amplius ante omnipotentis Dei oculos commendetis». Item epistola eiusdem ad Agilulfum regem: «Gregorius Agilulfo regi Langobardorum. Gratias excellentiae vestrae referimus, quia petitionem nostram audientes, pacem, quae utrisque esset partibus profutura, sicut de vobis confidentiam habuimus, ordinastis. Ex qua re excellentiae vestrae prudentiam et bonitatem valde laudamus, quia pacem diligendo, Deum vos, qui auctor ipsius est, amare, monstratis. Nam si, quod absit, facta non fuisset, quid agi habuit, nisi ut cum peccato et periculo partium miserorum rusticorum sanguis, quorum labor utrisque proficit, funderetur? Sed ut prodesse nobis eandem pacem, quemadmodum a vobis facta est, sentiamus, paterna caritate salutantes petimus, ut, quotiens occasio se dederit, ducibus vestris per diversa loca et maxime in his partibus constitutis, vestris praecipiatis epistolis, ut hanc pacem, sicut promissum est, pure custodiant, et occasiones sibi aliquas non quaerant, unde aut contentio quaedam aut ingratitudo nascatur, quatenus voluntati vestrae agere gratias valeamus. Latores vero praesentium litterarum, sicut revera homines vestros, in eo quo debuit affectu suscepimus, quia iustum fuit, ut viros sapientes et qui pacem factam Deo propitio nuntiarunt cum caritate et suscipere et dimittere deberemus».
10. Inter haec sequenti mense ianuario paruit stella cometes mane et vespere per totum mensem. Eo quoque mense defunctus est Iohannes archiepiscopus Ravennae. Cuius in locum Marianus civis Romanus substitutus est. Euin quoque duce in Tridentu mortuo, datus est eidem loco dux Gaidoaldus, vir bonus ac fide catholicus. Isdem ipsis diebus Baioarii usque ad duo milia virorum dum super Sclavos inruunt, superveniente Cacano omnes interficiuntur. Tunc primum cavalli silvatici et bubali in Italiam delati, Italiae populis miracula fuerunt.
11. Hac etiam tempestate Childepertus rex Francorum, aetatis anno vigesimo quinto cum uxore propria, sicut fertur, in veneno extinguitur. Hunni quoque, qui et Abares dicuntur, a Pannonia in Turingam ingressi, bella gravissima cum Francis gesserunt. Brunichildis tunc regina cum nepotibus adhuc puerulis Theudeperto et Theuderico regebat Gallias, a quibus accepta Hunni pecunia revertuntur ad propria. Mortuus quoque est Gunthramnus rex Francorum, regnumque illius Brunichildis regina suscepit cum nepotibus adhuc parvulis, filiis Childeperti.
12. Per idem tempus Cacanus rex Hunnorum legatos ad Agilulfum Mediolanum mittens, pacem cum eo fecit. Romanus quoque patricius moritur; cui Gallicinus successit et cum Agilulfo rege pacis concordiam iniit.
13. Hoc etiam tempore Agilulf cum Theuderico Francorum rege pacem perpetuam fecit. Post haec Ago rex rebellantem sibi Zangrulfum Veronensium ducem extinxit. Gaidulfum quoque Bergamensem ducem, cui iam bis pepercerat, peremit. Pari etiam modo et Warnecautium aput Ticinum occidit.
14. Subsequenti tempore rursum Ravennam et eos qui circa ora maris erant pestis gravissima vastavit. Sequenti quoque anno mortalitas valida populos Veronensium attrivit.
15. Tunc etiam signum sanguineum in caelo apparuisse visum est et quasi hastae sanguineae et lux clarissima per totam noctem. Theudepertus rex Francorum eo tempore cum Clothario patruele suo bellum gerens, eius exercitum vehementer adflixit.
16. Sequenti anno Ariulfus dux, qui Farualdo aput Spoletium successerat, moritur. Hic Ariulfus cum bello contra Romanos in Camerino gessisset victoriamque patrasset, requirere a suis hominibus coepit, quis vir ille fuerit, quem ipse in illo bello quod gesserat tam strenue pugnantem vidisset. Cui cum sui viri responderent, se ibi nullum aliquem fortius facientem quam ipsum ducem vidisse, ille ait: «Certe multum et per omnia me meliorem ibi alium vidi, qui, quotiens me adversae partis aliquis percutere voluit, ille vir strenuus me semper suo clyppeo protexit». Cumque dux ipse prope Spoletium, ubi basilica beati martyris Savini episcopi sita est, in qua eiusdem venerabile corpus quiescit, advenisset, interrogavit, cuius haec tam ampla domus esset. Responsum est ei a viris fidelibus, Savinum ibi martyrem requiescere, quem christiani, quotiens in bellum contra hostes irent, solitum haberent in suum auxilium invocare. Ariulfus vero, cum adhuc esset gentilis, ita respondit: «Et potest fieri, ut homo mortuus aliquod viventi auxilium praestet?». Qui cum hoc dixisset, equo desiliens eandem basilicam conspecturus intravit. Tunc aliis orantibus, ipse picturas eiusdem basilicae mirari coepit. Qui cum figuram beati martyris Savini depictam conspexisset, mox cum iuramento affirmavit dicens, talem omnino eum virum qui se in bello protexerat formam habitumque habuisse. Tunc intellectum est, beatum martyrem Savinum eidem in proelio adiutorium contulisse. Igitur mortuo Ariulfo, duo filii Faroald superioris ducis inter se propter ducatum decertantes, unus ex ipsis, qui cum victoriam coronatus est, nomine Teudelapius, ducatum suscepit.
17. Circa haec tempora coenobium beati Benedicti patris, quod in castro Casino situm est, a Langobardis noctu invaditur. Qui universa diripientes, nec unum ex monachis tenere potuerunt, ut prophetia venerabilis Benedicti patris, quam longe ante praeviderat, impleretur, qua dixit: «Vix apud Deum optinere potui, ut ex hoc loco mihi animae cederentur». Fugientes quoque ex eodem loco monachi Romam petierunt, secum codicem sanctae regulae, quam praefatus pater conposuerat, et quaedam alia scripta necnon pondus panis et mensuram vini et quidquid ex supellectili subripere poterant deferentes. Siquidem post beatum Benedictum Constantinus, post hunc Simplicius, post quem Vitalis, ad extremum Bonitus congregationem ipsam rexit; sub quo haec distructio facta est.
18. Mortuo igitur Zottone Beneventanorum duce, Arigis in loco ipsius a rege Agilulfo missus successit; qui ortus in Foroiulii fuerat et Gisulfi Foroiulani ducis filios educarat eidemque Gisulfo consanguineus erat. Ad hunc Arigis extat epistula beati papae Gregorii in hunc modum directa:
19. «Gregorius Arogi duci. Quia sic de gloria vestra sicut re vera de filio nostro confidimus, petere a vobis aliqua fiducialiter provocamur, arbitrantes, quod minime nos patiamini contristari, maxime in tali re, unde vestra anima multum poterit adiuvari. Indicamus autem, propter ecclesias beatorum Petri ac Pauli aliquantas nobis trabes necessarias esse, et ideo Savino subdiacono nostro iniunximus, de partibus Brittiorum aliquantas incidere, et ut usque ad mare in locum aptum trahere debeat. Et quia in hac re solaciis indiget, salutantes gloriam vestram paterna caritate petimus, ut actionariis vestris qui in illo loco sunt deputetis, ut homines qui sub eis sunt cum bubus suis in eius transmittere solacium debeant, quatenus vobis concurrentibus melius quod ei iniunximus possit perficere. Nos enim promittimus, quia, dum res perfecta fuerit, dignum vobis exenium, quod non sit iniuriosum, transmittemus. Nam scimus nos considerare et filiis nostris, qui bonam nobis voluntatem exhibent, respondere. Unde iterum petimus, gloriose fili, ut ita facere debeatis, ut et nos vobis possimus esse pro praestito beneficio debitores, et vos mercedem pro sanctorum ecclesiis habeatis».
20. His diebus capta est filia regis Agilulfi cum viro suo Gudescalco nomine de civitate Parmensi ab exercitu Gallicini patricii, et ad urbem Ravennatium sunt deducti. Hoc quoque tempore misit Agilulf rex Cacano regi Avarorum artifices ad faciendas naves, cum quibus isdem Cacanus insulam quandam in Thracia expugnavit.
21. Per idem quoque tempus Theudelinda regina basilicam beati Iohannis Baptistae, quam in Modicia construxerat, qui locus supra Mediolanum duodecim milibus abest, dedicavit multisque ornamentis auri argentique decoravit praediisque sufficienter ditavit. Quo in loco etiam Theudericus quondam Gothorum rex palatium construxit, pro eo quod aestivo tempore locus ipse, utpote vicinus Alpibus, temperatus ac salubris existit.
22. Ibi etiam praefata regina sibi palatium condidit, in quo aliquid et de Langobardorum gestis depingi fecit. In qua pictura manifeste ostenditur, quomodo Langobardi eo tempore comam capitis tondebant, vel qualis illis vestitus qualisve habitus erat. Siquidem cervicem usque ad occipitium radentes nudabant, capillos a facie usque ad os dimissos habentes, quos in utramque partem in frontis discrimine dividebant. Vestimenta vero eis erant laxa et maxime linea, qualia Anglisaxones habere solent, ornata institis latioribus vario colore contextis. Calcei vero eis erant usque ad summum pollicem pene aperti et alternatim laqueis corrigiarum retenti. Postea vero coeperunt osis uti, super quas equitantes tubrugos birreos mittebant. Sed hoc de Romanorum consuetudine traxerant.
23. Usque ad haec tempora Patavium civitas, fortissime militibus repugnantibus, Langobardis rebellavit. Sed tandem, iniecto igni, tota flammis vorantibus concremata est, et iussu regis Agilulfi ad solum usque destructa est. Milites tamen qui in ea fuerunt Ravennam remeare permissi sunt.
24. Hac tempestate legati Agilulfi regressi a Cacano, pacem perpetuam factam cum Avaribus nuntiarunt. Legatus quoque Cacani cum eis adveniens, ad Gallias perrexit, denuntians Francorum regibus, ut, sicut cum Avaribus, ita pacem habeant cum Langobardis. Inter haec Langobardi cum Avaribus et Sclavis Histrorum fines ingressi, universa ignibus et rapinis vastavere.
25. Agilulfo quoque regi tunc nascitur filius de Theudelinda regina in Modiciae palatio, qui Adaloald [616-625] est appellatus. Sequenti tempore Langobardi castrum Montis Silicis invaserunt. Per idem tempus, repulso apud Ravennam Gallicino, rediit Smaracdus, qui prius fuerat Ravennae patricius.
26. Igitur Mauritius Augustus, postquam uno et viginti annis rexit imperium, cum filiis Theudosio et Tiberio et Constantino a Focate, qui fuit strator Prisci patricii, occiditur. Fuit autem utilis rei publicae; nam saepe contra hostes dimicans victoriam obtinuit. Hunni quoque, qui et Avares appellantur, eius virtute devicti sunt.
27. Hoc anno Gaidoaldus dux de Tridento et Gisulfus de Foroiuli, cum antea a regis Agilulfi societate discordarent, ab eo in pace recepti sunt. Tunc etiam baptizatus est praenominatus puer Adaloald, filius Agilulfi regis, in Sancto Iohanne in Modicia, et susceptus de fonte est a Secundo servo Christi de Tridento, cuius saepe fecimus mentionem. Fuit autem festi pascalis dies eo tempore septimo idus aprilis.
28. Erat autem his diebus adhuc discordia Langobardis cum Romanis propter captivitatem filiae regis. Qua de causa rex Agilulf egressus Mediolanio mense iulio, obsedit civitatem Cremonensem cum Sclavis, quos ei Cacanus rex Avarorum in solacium miserat, et cepit eam duodecimo kalendas septembris et ad solum usque destruxit. Pari etiam modo expugnavit etiam Mantuam, et interruptis muris eius cum arietibus, dans veniam militibus qui in ea erant revertendi Ravennam, ingressusque est in eam die iduum septembrium. Tunc etiam partibus Langobardorum se tradidit castrum quod Vulturina vocatur; milites vero Brexillum oppidum igni cremantes, fugierunt. His ita patratis, reddita est filia regis a Smaracdo patricio cum viro ac filiis ac rebus cunctis; factaque est pax mense nono usque kalendas aprilis indictionis octavae. Filia vero regis mox a Ravenna Parmam rediit; ob difficultatem partus periclitata, statim defuncta est. Hoc anno Teudepertus et Theudericus reges Francorum adversus Clotharium patruum suum dimicarunt. In quo certamine ex utraque parte multa milia ceciderunt.
29. Tunc etiam beatus papa Gregorius migravit ad Christum, cum iam Focas per indictionem octavam anno regnaret secundo. Cuius in locum ad apostolatus officium Savinianus est ordinatus. Fuit autem tunc hiems frigida nimis, et mortuae sunt vites pene in omnibus locis. Messes quoque partim vastatae sunt a muribus, partim percussae uredine evanuerunt. Debuit etenim tunc mundus fame[m] sitimque pati, quando recedente tanto doctore animas hominum spiritalis alimoniae penuria sitisque ariditas invasit. Libet sane me pauca de eiusdem beati Gregorii papae quadam epistola huic opusculo inserere, ut possit liquidius agnosci, quam humilis iste vir fuerit quantaeque innocentiae et sanctitatis. Hic denique cum accusatus aput Mauritium Augustum et eius filios fuisset, quod Malcum quendam episcopum in custodia pro solidis occidisset, scribens pro hac re epistulam Saviniano suo apochrisario, qui erat apud Constantinopolim, inter cetera sic ait: «Unum est quod breviter suggeras serenissimis dominis nostris, quia, si ego servus eorum in morte vel Langobardorum me miscere voluissem, hodie Langobardorum gens nec regem nec duces nec comites haberet atque in summa confusione divisa esset. Sed quia Deum timeo, in morte cuiuslibet hominis me miscere formido. Malcus autem idem episcopus neque in custodia fuit neque in aliqua afflictione; sed die qua causam dixit et addictus est, nesciente me, a Bonifacio notario in domum eius ductus est ibique prandidit et honoratus est ab eo et nocte subito mortuus est». Ecce quantae humilitatis vir iste fuit, qui, cum esset summus pontifex, se servum nominavit! Ecce quantae innocentiae, qui nec in morte Langobardorum, qui utique et increduli erant et omnia devastabant, se voluerit ammisceri!
30. Igitur sequenti estate mense iulio levatus est Adaloaldus rex super Langobardos apud Mediolanum in circo, in praesentia patris sui Agilulfi regis, adstantibus legatis Teudeperti regis Francorum, et disponsata est eidem regio puero filia regis Teudeperti, et firmata est pax perpetua cum Francis.
31. Eodem tempore Franci cum Saxonibus pugnantes, magna strages ab utrisque partibus facta est. Apud Ticinum quoque in basilica beati Petri apostoli Petrus cantor fulmine ictus est.
32. Sequenti denique mense novembrio rex Agilulf pacem fecit cum Smaracdo patricio in annum unum, accipiens a Romanis duodecim milia solidorum. Civitates quoque Tusciae, hoc est Balneus Regis et Urbs Vetus, a Langobardis invasae sunt. Tunc etiam mense aprili et maio apparuit in caelo stella quam cometem dicunt. Dehinc Agilulf rex iterum fecit pacem cum Romanis tribus annis.
33. His diebus defuncto Severo patriarcha, ordinatur in loco eius Iohannes abbas patriarcha in Aquileia vetere, cum consensu regis et Gisulfi ducis. Aput Gradus quoque ordinatus est Romanis Candidianus antistis. Rursum mense novembrio et decembrio stella cometis apparuit. Candidiano quoque defuncto, aput Gradus ordinatur patriarcha Epiphanius, qui fuerat primicerius notariorum, ab episcopis qui erant sub Romanis. Et ex illo tempore coeperunt duo esse patriarchae.
34. Hac aetate Iohannes Consinus invasit Neapolim. Quem de eadem civitate non multos post dies Eleutherius patricius expulit eumque interfecit. Post haec isdem Eleutherius patricius eunuchus imperii iura suscepit. Qui dum a Ravenna Romam pergeret, in castro Luceolis a militibus interfectus est, caputque eius Constantinopolim imperatori delatum est.
35. Hac etiam tempestate misit rex Agilulf Stablicianum notarium suum Constantinopolim ad Focatem imperatorem. Qui rediens cum legatis imperatoris, facta pace annuali, Agilulfo regi idem legati imperialia munera optulere.
36. Focas igitur, ut praemissum est, extincto Mauricio eiusque filiis, Romanorum regnum invadens, per octo annorum curricula principatus est. Hic rogante papa Bonifacio statuit sedem Romanae et apostolicae ecclesiae caput esse omnium ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia Constantinopolitana prima se omnium ecclesiarum scribebat. Idem alio papa Bonifacio petente iussit, in veteri fano quod Pantheum vocabatur, ablatis idolatriae sordibus, ecclesiam beatae semper virginis Mariae et omnium martyrum fieri, ut, ubi quondam omnium non deorum, sed demoniorum cultus agebatur, ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria sanctorum. Huius tempore Prasini et Veneti per orientem et Aegyptum civile bellum faciunt ac sese mutua caede prosternunt. Persae quoque adversus rem publicam gravissima bella gerentes, multas Romanorum provincias et ipsam Hierusolimam auferunt. Et destruentes ecclesias, sancta quoque profanantes, inter ornamenta locorum sanctorum vel communium etiam vexillum dominicae crucis abducunt. Contra hunc Focatem Eraclianus, qui Africam regebat, rebellavit, atque cum exercitu veniens, eum regno vitaque privavit remque publicam Romanam Eraclius, eiusdem filius, regendam suscepit.
37. Circa haec tempora rex Avarum, quem sua lingua Cacanum appellant, cum innumerabili multitudine veniens, Venetiarum fines ingressus est. Huic Gisulfus Foroiulanus dux cum Langobardis, quos habere poterat, audacter occurrit; sed quamvis forti animositate contra inmensam multitudinem bellum cum paucis gereret, undique tamen circumseptus, cum omnibus pene suis extinctus est. Uxor vero eiusdem Gisulfi nomine Romilda cum Langobardis qui evaserant sive eorum uxoribus et filiis qui in bello perierant, intra murorum Foroiulani castri [se] muniit septa. Huic erant filii Taso et Cacco iam adulescentes, Raduald vero et Grimuald adhuc in puerili aetate constituti. Habebat vero et filias quattuor, quarum una Appa, alia Gaila vocabatur, duarum vero nomina non retinemus. Communierant se quoque Langobardi et in reliquis castris quae his vicina erant, hoc est in Cormones, Nemas, Osopo, Artenia, Reunia, Glemona, vel etiam in Ibligine, cuius positio omnino inexpugnabilis existit. Pari etiam modo et in reliquis castellis, ne Hunnis, hoc est Avaribus, praeda fierent, se communivere. Avares vero per omnes Foroiulanorum fines discurrentes, omnia incendiis et rapinis vastantes, Foroiulanum oppidum obsidione claudunt et totis viribus expugnare moliuntur. Horum rex, id est Cacanus, dum circa muros armatus cum magno equitatu perambularet, ut, qua ex parte urbem facilius expugnare posset, inquireret, hunc Romilda de muris prospiciens, cum eum cerneret iuvenili aetate florentem, meretrix nefaria concupivit, eique mox per nuntium mandavit, ut, si eam in matrimonium sumeret, ipsa eidem civitatem cum omnibus qui aderant traderet. Quod rex barbarus audiens, eidem malignitatis dolo quod mandaverat se facturum promisit eamque se in matrimonium accipere spopondit. Illa vero nihil morata, portas Foroiulensis castri aperuit et ad suam cunctorumque qui aderant perniciem hostem introduxit. Ingressi vero Avares cum rege suo Forumiulii, universa quae invenire poterant rapinis diripiunt; ipsamque urbem flammis concremantes, universos quos reppererant captivos adducunt, fallaciter tamen. eis promittentes, quod eos, unde digressi fuerant, Pannoniae in finibus conlocarent. Qui cum patriam revertentes ad campum quem Sacrum nominant pervenissent, omnes qui iam in maiori aetate constituti erant Langobardos gladio perimere statuunt, mulieres vero et parvulos captivitatis sorte dividunt. Taso vero et Cacco seu Raduald, filii Gisulfi et Romildae, cum hanc Avarorum malitiam cognovissent, statim ascensis equis fugam arripiunt. E quibus unus Grimoaldum puerulum fratrem suum, dum existimaret utpote parvulum super equum currentem se tenere non posse, melius ducens eundem gladio perimere quam captivitatis iugum sustinere, eum occidere voluit. Cum igitur ut eum percuteret lanceam elevasset, puer lacrimans exclamavit, dicens: «Noli me pungere, quia possum me super equum tenere». Qui iniecta manu eum per brachium adprehendens super nudum equi dorsum posuit eundemque ut si posset se continere hortatus est. Puer vero frenum equi manu arripiens, fugientes germanos et ipse secutus est. Quo conperto, Avares mox ascensis equis eos persecuti sunt; sed reliquis veloci fuga evadentibus, Grimoald puerulus ab uno eorum, qui velocius cucurrerat, capitur. Nec tamen eum suus conprehensor gladio ferire propter parvitatem aetatis dignatus est, sed sibi eundem potius serviturum reservavit. Cumque eum ad castra revertens adprehenso eiusdem equi freno reduceret deque tam nobili praeda exultaret - erat enim ipse puerulus eleganti forma, micantibus oculis, lacteo crine perfusus -; qui cum se captivum trahi doleret,
Ingentes animos angusto in pectore versans,
ensem, qualem in illa aetate habere poterat, vagina exemit seque trahentem Avarem, quantulo adnisu valuit, capitis in verticem percussit. Moxque ad cerebrum ictus perveniens, hostis ab equo deiectus est. Puer vero Grimuald verso equo fugam laetabundus arripiens, tandem fratribus iunctus est eisque liberatione sua, nuntiato insuper hostis interitu, inaestimabile gaudium fecit. Avares vero omnes Langobardos qui iam in virili aetate erant gladio perimunt, mulieres vero et parvulos captivitatis iugo addicunt. Romildam vero, quae totius malitiae caput extitit, rex Avarum propter iusiurandum, sicut ei spoponderat, nocte una quasi in matrimonio habuit, novissime vero duodecim Avaribus tradidit, qui eam per totam noctem vicibus sibi succedentes libidine vexarent. Postmodum quoque palum in medio campo configi praecipiens, eandem in eius acumine inseri mandavit, haec insuper exprobrando inquiens: «Talem te dignum est maritum habere». Igitur dira proditrix patriae tali exitio periit, quae amplius suae libidini quam civium et consanguineorum saluti prospexit. Filiae vero eius non matris libidinem secutae, sed castitatis amore studentes ne a barbaris contaminarentur , crudorum pullorum carnes sibi inter mammas sub fascia posuerunt, quae ex calore putrefactae odorem foetidum exalabant. Cumque eas vellent Avares contingere, non sustinentes foetorem, putabant eas naturaliter ita foetere, procul ab eis cum execratione recedentes atque dicentes, omnes Langobardas foetidas esse. Hac igitur arte Avarorum libidinem puellae nobiles evadentes, et ipsae castae servatae sunt et utile servandae castitatis, si quid tale feminis contigerit, mandaverunt exemplum. Quae postea per diversas regiones venundatae, iuxta nobilitatem suam dignis sunt nuptiis potitae. Nam una earum Alamannorum regi, alia vero dicitur Baioariorum principi nupsisse. Exigit vero nunc locus, postposita generali historia, pauca etiam privatim de mea, qui haec scribo, genealogia retexere, et quia res ita postulat, paulo superius narrationis ordinem replicare. Eo denique tempore quo Langobardorum gens de Pannoniis ad Italiam venit, Leupchis meus abavus ex eodem Langobardorum genere cum eis pariter adventavit. Qui postquam aliquot annos in Italia vixit, diem claudens extremum, quinque ex se genitos filios adhuc parvulos reliquit; quos tempestas ista captivitatis, de qua nunc diximus, conprehendens, omnes ex castro Foroiulensi in Avarorum patriam exules deduxit. Qui cum per multos annos in eadem regione captivitatis miseriam sustinuissent et iam ad virilem pervenissent aetatem, ceteris quattuor, quorum nomina non retinemus, in captivitatis angustia persistentibus, quintus eorum germanus nomine Lopichis, qui noster postea proavus extitit, inspirante sibi, ut credimus, misericordiae auctore, captivitatis iugum abicere statuit et ad Italiam, quo gentem Langobardorum residere meminerat, tendere atque ad libertatis iura studuit reppedare. Qui cum adgressus fugam adripuisset, faretram tantum et arcum et aliquantulum cibi propter viaticum gerens, nesciretque omnino quo pergeret, ei lupus adveniens comes itineris et ductor effectus est. Qui cum ante eum pergeret et frequenter post se respiceret et cum stante subsisteret atque cum pergente praeiret, intellexit, sibi eum divinitus datum esse, ut ei iter, quod nesciebat, ostenderet. Cum per aliquot dies per montium solitudines hoc modo pergerent, panis eidem viatori, quem exiguum habuerat, omnino defecit. Qui cum ieiunans iter carperet et iam fame tabefactus defecisset, tetendit arcum suum et eundem lupum, ut eum in cibum sumere possit, sagitta interficere voluit. Sed lupus idem ictum ferientis praecavens, sic ab eius visione elapsus est. Ipse autem, recedente eodem lupo, nesciens quo pergeret, insuper famis penuria nimium debilis effectus, cum iam de vita desperaret, sese in terram proiciens, obdormivit; viditque quendam virum in somnis talia sibi verba dicentem: «Surge! Quid dormis? Arripe viam in hanc partem contra quam pedes tenes; illac etenim est Italia, ad quam tendis». Qui statim surgens, in illam partem quam in somnis audierat pergere coepit; nec mora, ad habitaculum hominum pervenit. Erat enim Sclavorum habitatio in illis locis. Quem cum una mulier iam vetula vidisset, statim intellexit, eum fugitivum esse et famis penuria laborare. Ducta autem misericordia super eum, abscondit eum in domo sua et secreto paulatim ei victum ministravit, ne, si ei usque ad saturitatem alimoniam praeberet, eius vitam funditus extingueret. Denique sic conpetenter ei pastum praebuit, quousque ipse recuperatus vires accipere potuisset. Cumque eum iam validum ad iter faciendum vidisset, datis ei cibariis, ad quam partem tendere deberet, admonuit. Qui post aliquot dies Italiam ingressus, ad domum in qua ortus fuerat pervenit; quae ita deserta erat, ut non solum tectum non haberet, sed etiam rubis et sentibus plena esset. Quibus ille succisis intra eosdem parietes vastam hornum repperiens, in ea suam faretram suspendit. Qui postea consanguineorum et amicorum suorum muneribus dotatus, et domum reaedificavit et uxorem duxit; sed nihil de rebus quas genitor suus habuerat, exclusus iam ab his qui eas invaserant longa et diuturna possessione, conquirere potuit. Iste, ut iam superius praemisi, extitit meus proavus. Hic etenim genuit avum meum Arichis, Arichis vero patrem meum Warnefrit, Warnefrit autem ex Theudelinda coniuge genuit me Paulum meumque germanum Arichis, qui nostrum avum . cognomine retulit. Haec paucis de propriae genealogiae serie delibatis, nunc generalis historiae revertamur ad tramitem.
38. Mortuo, ut diximus, Gisulfo duce Foroiulensi, Taso et Cacco, filii eius, eundem ducatum regendum susceperunt. Hi suo tempore Sclavorum regionem quae Zellia appellatur usque ad locum qui Medaria dicitur possiderunt. Unde usque ad tempora Ratchis ducis idem Sclavi pensionem Foroiulanis ducibus persolverunt. Hos duos fratres Gregorius patricius Romanorum in civitate Opitergio dolosa fraude peremit. Nam promittens Tasoni, ut ei barbam, sicut moris est, incideret eumque sibi filium faceret, ipse Taso cum Caccone germano suo et electis iuvenibus ad eundem Gregorium nihil mali metuens advenit. Qui mox cum Opitergium cum suis esset ingressus, statim isdem patricius civitatis portas claudi praecepit et armatos milites super Tasonem eiusque socios misit. Quod Taso cum suis conperiens, audacter se ad proelium praeparavit; ultimumque sibi data pace valedicentes, per singulas civitatis plateas hac illacque dispersi, quoscumque obvios habere poterant trucidantes, cum magnam stragem de Romanis fecissent, ad extremum etiam ipsi perempti sunt. Gregorius vero patricius propter iusiurandum quod dederat caput Tasonis sibi deferri iubens, eius barbam, sicut promiserat, periurus abscidit.
39. His ita peremptis, dux Foroiulanis Grasulfus, Gisulfi germanus, constituitur. Radoald vero et Grimoald despectui ducentes sub patrui sui Grasulfi potestate degere, cum essent iam prope iuvenilem aetatem, ascensa navicula remigantes, ad Beneventi fines perveniunt; et exinde ad Arichis Beneventanorum ducem, suum quondam paedagogum, properantes, ab eo gratissime suscepti et filiorum loco sunt habiti. His temporibus mortuo Tassilone duce Baioariorum, filius eius Garibaldus in Agunto a Sclavis devictus est, et Baioariorum termini depraedantur. Resumptis tamen Baioarii viribus et praedas ab hostibus excutiunt et hostes de suis finibus pepulerunt.
40. Rex vero Agilulf pacem cum imperatore in annum unum itemque in alterum faciens, cum Francis quoque iterato pacis concordiam renovavit. Hoc nihilominus anno Sclavi Histriam, interfectis militibus, lacrimabiliter depraedati sunt. Sequenti quoque mense martio defunctus est aput Tridentum Secundus servus Christi, de quo saepe iam diximus, qui usque ad sua tempora succinctam de Langobardorum gestis conposuit historiolam. Eo tempore rex Agilulf cum imperatore iterato pacem conposuit. Occisus quoque est his diebus Theudepertus rex Francorum, et facta est pugna gravissima inter eos. Gunduald etiam, germanus Theudelindae reginae, qui erat dux in civitate Astensi, nemine sciente auctorem mortis ipsius, hoc ipso in tempore sagitta ictus interiit.
41. Igitur Agilulf rex, qui et Ago est appellatus, postquam viginti et quinque annos regnaverat, diem clausit extremum, relicto in regno filio suo Adaloald admodum puero cum Theudelinda matre. Sub his ecclesiae resta ratae sunt et multae dationes per loca venerabilia largitae. Sed dum Adaloald eversa mente insaniret, postquam cum matre decem regnaverat annis, de regno eiectus est, et a Langobardis in eius loco Arioald [625-626] substitutus est. De cuius regis gestis ad nostram notitiam aliquid minime pervenit. Circa haec tempora beatus Columbanus ex Scottorum genere oriundus, postquam in Gallia in loco qui Luxovium dicitur monasterium construxerat, in Italiam veniens, a Langobardorum rege gratanter exceptus est, coenobiumque quod Bobium appellatur in Alpibus Cottiis aedificavit, quod quadraginta milibus ab urbe dividitur Ticinensi. Quo in loco et multae possessiones a singulis principibus sive Langobardis largitae sunt, et magna ibi facta est congregatio monachorum.
42. Igitur Arioald postquam super Langobardos duodecim annis regnum tenuit, ab hac luce subtractus est; Langobardorum regnum Rothari [526-652] genere Arodus suscepit. Fuit autem viribus fortis et iustitiae tramitem sequens, sed tamen fidei christianae non rectam lineam tenens, Arrianae haereseos perfidia maculatus est. Siquidem Arriani minorem Patri Filium, Spiritum quoque sanctum minorem Patri et Filio ad suam perniciem dicunt; nos autem catholici Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctum in tribus personis unum et verum Deum aequali potentia eademque gloria confitemur. Huius temporibus pene per omnes civitates regni eius duo episcopi erant, unus catholicus et alter Arrianus. In civitate quoque Ticinensi usque nunc ostenditur, ubi Arrianus episcopus aput basilica sancti Eusebii residens baptisterium habuit, cum tamen ecclesiae catholicae alius episcopus resideret. Qui tamen Arrianus episcopus, qui in eadem civitate fuit, Anastasius nomine, ad fidem catholicam conversus, Christi postea ecclesiam rexit. Hic Rothari rex Langobardorum leges, quas sola memoria et usu retinebant, scriptorum serie conposuit codicemque ipsum Edictum appellari praecepit. Erat autem iam ex quo Langobardi in Italiam venerant annus septuagesimus septimus, sicut idem rex in sui edicti testatus est prologo. Ad hunc regem Arichis dux Beneventi filium suum Aionem direxit. Qui cum Ravennam venisset, Ticinum pergens, ibi ei Romanorum malitia talis potio data est, quae eum mente excedere faceret; atque ex eo tempore numquam pleni sanique sensus fuit.
43. Igitur cum dux Arichis, huius de quo diximus pater, iam maturus annis ad diem ultimum propinquasset, sciens filium suum Aionem non recti esse sensus, Radoaldum et Grimoaldum, iam florem iuventutis habentes, quasi proprios filios Langobardis qui aderant commendavit eisque dixit, quod melius eos regere isti quam Aio suus filius posset.
44. Defuncto ergo Arechis, qui ducatum quinquaginta tenuerat annis, Aio, eius filius, Samnitum ductor effectus est; cui tamen Radoald et Grimoald sicut seniori fratri et domino per omnia paruerunt. Qui Aio cum iam anno et mensibus quinque Beneventanorum ducatum regeret, venientes Sclavi cum multitudine navium, non longe a civitate Seponto castra posuerunt. Qui occultas foveas circa sua castra facientes, cum Aio super eos, absentibus Raduald et Grimoald, venisset eosque debellare vellet, equus eius in unam de eisdem foveis cecidit, atque inruentibus super eum Sclavis, simul cum aliquantis aliis extinctus est. Quod cum Raduald nuntiatum fuisset, cito veniens, eisdem Sclavis propria illorum lingua locutus est. Cumque eos propter hoc segniores ad bellum reddidisset, mox super eos inruens magnaque eos strage prosternens, et Aionis mortem ultus est et de illis finibus eos qui remanserant hostes fugam petere coegit.
45. Igitur Rothari rex Romanorum civitates ab urbe Tusciae Lunensi universas quae in litore maris sitae sunt usque ad Francorum fines cepit. Opitergium quoque, civitatem inter Tarvisium et Foroiuli positam, pari modo expugnavit et diruit. Cum Ravennantibus Romanis bellum gessit ad fluvium Aemiliae qui Scultenna dicitur. In quo bello a parte Romanorum, reliquis terga dantibus, octomilia ceciderunt. Eo tempore magnus Romae terrae motus factus est, magnaque tunc fuit inundatio aquarum Post haec fuit clades scabiarum, ita ut nullus potuisset mortuum suum agnoscere propter nimium inflationis tumorem.
46. Aput Beneventum vero mortuo Raduald duce, qui ducatum quinque rexerat annis, Grimuald, eius germa nus, dux effectus est gubernavitque ducatum Samnitium annis quinque et viginti. Hic de captiva puella, sed tamen nobili, cuius nomen Ita fuit, Romualdum filium et duas filias genuit. Qui dum esset vir bellicosissimus et ubique insignis, venientibus eo tempore Grecis, ut oraculum sancti archangeli in monte Gargano situm depraedarent, Grimuald super eos cum exercitu veniens, ultima eos caede prostravit.
47. At vero rex Rothari postquam annos sedecim et menses quattuor regnum tenuerat, vita decedens, Langobardorum regnum Rodoald [652-653] suo filio reliquit. Hic cum iuxta basilicam beati Iohannis baptistae fuisset humatus, post aliquantum tempus quidam, iniqua cupiditate succensus, eius sepulchrum noctu aperuit et quicquid in ornamentis eius corporis repperit abstulit. Cui beatus Iohannes per visionem apparens, eum vehementer exterruit eique dixit: «Cur ausus es corpus istius hominis contingere? Fuerit licet non recte credens, tamen mihi se commendavit. Quia igitur hoc facere praesumpsisti, numquam in meam basilicam deinceps ingressum habebis». Quod ita quoque factum est. Quotiescumque enim voluisset beati Iohannis oraculum ingredi, statim velut a validissimo pugili guttur eius feriretur, sic subito retro ruebat inpulsus. Veritatem in Christo loquor; hoc mihi ipse retulit qui hoc ipsum suis oculis factum vidit. Rodoald igitur post funus patris Langobardorum regnum suscipiens, Gundipergam Agilulfi et Theudelindae sibi filiam [in matrimonium] sociavit. Haec Gundiperga regina ad instar suae genetricis, sicut illa in Modicia, sic et ista intra Ticinensem civitatem basilicam in honorem beati Iohannis baptistae construxit, quam mire ex auro et argento peplisque decoravit rebusque singulis opime ditavit; in qua et eius corpus tumulatum quiescit. Haec dum de crimine adulterii apud virum accusata fuisset, proprius eius servus Carellus nomine a rege expetiit; ut cum eoqui reginaecrimen ingesserat pro castitate suas dominae monomachia dimicaret. Qui dum cum criminatore illo singulare certamen inisset, eum cuncto populo adstante superavit. Regina vero post hoc factum ad dignitatem pristinam rediit.
48. Rodoald quoque, ut fertur, dum uxorem cuiusdam Langobardi stuprasset, ab eodem interfectus est, postquam septem diebus et quinque regnaverat [mensibus]. Huic successit in regni regimine Aripert [653-661], filius Gundoaldi, qui fuerat germanus Theudelindae reginae. Hic condidit apud Ticinum oraculum domini Salvatoris, quod extra portam occidentalem, quae dicitur Marenca, situm est; quod et ornamentis variis decoravit et substantiis sufficienter ditavit.
49. His diebus defuncto Eraclio Augusto apud Constantinopolim, Heraclones, eius filius, cum matre Martina regni iura suscepit rexitque imperium duobus annis. Quo vita decedente, successit in loco eius Constantinus, germanus eiusdem, alius filius Heraclii, imperavitque mensibus sex. Hoc etiam mortuo, Constantinus, eiusdem filius, ad regni dignitatem ascendit tenuitque regnum annis octo et viginti.
50. Circa haec tempora regis Persarum coniux nomine Cesara de Perside exiens, cum paucis suis fidelibus privato habitu propter christianae fidei amorem Constantinopolim venit. Quae ab imperatore honorifice suscepta, post aliquot dies, ut desiderabat, baptismum consecuta et ab Augusta de sacro fonte levata est. Quod vir eius Persarum rex audiens, legatos Constantinopolim ad Augustum direxit, quatenus eidem suam uxorem redderet. Qui ad imperatorem venientes, verba regis Persarum nuntiant, qui suam requirebat reginam. Imperator haec audiens remque omnino ignorans, eis responsum reddidit dicens: «De regina, quam quaeritis, fatemur nos nihil scire, praeter quod ad nos hic aliqua mulier privato habitu advenit». Legati vero responderunt dicentes: «Si placet vestro conspectui, velimus hanc quam dicitis mulierem videre». Quae cum iussu imperatoris advenisset, mox ut eam legati conspiciunt, ad eius vestigia provolvuntur eique venerabiliter, quia eam suus vir requireret, suggerunt. Quibus illa respondit: «Ite, renuntiate regi vestro et domino, quia, nisi, sicut ego iam credidi, ita et ipse in Christum crediderit, me iam ultra consortem thori habere non poterit». Quid multa? Reversi legati ad patriam, universa quae audierant suo regi renuntiant. Qui nihil moratus, cum sexaginta milibus viris Constantinopolim pacifice ad imperatorem venit, a quo gratanter et satis digne susceptus est. Qui cum universis Christum dominum credens, pariter cum omnibus sacri baptismatis unda perfusus et ab Augusto de fonte levatus, catholica fide confirmatus est; multisque muneribus ab Augusto honoratus, accepta sua coniuge, laetus et gaudens ad suam patriam repedavit. Circa haec tempora mortuo aput Foroiuli Grasulfo duce, Foroiulensem ducatum Ago regendum suscepit. Aput Spoletium quoque Theudelaupo defuncto, Atto eidem civitati ductor efficitur.
51. Igitur Aripert, postquam aput Ticinum per annos novem Langobardos rexerat, diem obiens, regnum duobus filiis suis adhuc adulescentibus Perctarit et Godeperto [661-662] regendum reliquit. Et Godepert quidem Ticini sedem regni habuit, Perctarit vero in civitate Mediolanensi. Inter quos fratres, facientibus malignis hominibus, discordiae et odiorum fomes surrexit in tantum, ut alter alterius regnum invadere conaretur. Qua de re Godepertus Garipaldum Taurinatium ducem ad Grimuald Beneventanorum strenuum tunc ductorem direxit, invitans eum, ut quantocius veniret et sibi adversus germanum suum Perctarit auxilium ferret, regisque filiam, suam germanam, ei se daturum promittens. Sed legatus ipse fraudulenter contra suum dominum agens, Grimualdum exhortatus est, ut veniret et Langobardorum regnum, quod adulescentes germani dissipabant, ipse arriperet, qui aetate maturus, consilio providus et viribus fortis existeret. Grimuald haec audiens, mox animum ad regnum Langobardorum obtinendum erexit. Ordinatumque aput Beneventum Romualdum suum filium ducem, ipse cum electa manu Ticinum profecturus iter arripuit, ac per omnes civitates, per quas viam habuit, sibi amicos et adiutores ad regnum percipiendum adscivit. Transemundum vero comitem Capuanum per Spoletium et Tusciam direxit, ut eius regionis Langobardos suo consortio coaptaret. Qui imperata sibi strenue perficiens, ei cum multis adiutoribus aput Aemiliam in itinere occurrit. Igitur Grimuald, cum prope Placentiam cum robusta virorum multitudine advenisset, Garipaldum, qui legatus ad eum missus a Godeperto fuerat, Ticinum praemisit, ut eidem Godeperto de suo adventu nuntiaret. Qui ad Godepertum veniens, Grimualdum citius adventare dixit. Cumque Godepert ab eo quaereret, quo in loco eidem Grimualdo hospitium parare deberet, Garipald ita respondit: quod dignum esset, ut Grimualdus, qui pro eius causa venerat eiusque sororem accepturus esset, hospitium intra palatium haberet. Quod ita quoque factum est. Nam adveniens Grimuald, intra palatium mansionem accepit. Isdem vero Garipald totius nequitiae seminator Godeperto persuasit, ut non aliter quam lorica sub veste indutus cum Grimualdo locuturus veniret; asserens, quia eum Grimuald occidere vellet. Rursus idem fallendi artifex ad Grimualdum veniens dixit, quod, nisi se fortiter praepararet, eum Godepertus suo gladio perimeret, asseverans Godepertum, quando cum eo ad conloquendum veniret, loricam sub veste gestare. Quid plura? Cum ad conloquium die crastino venissent, et Godepertum post salutationem Grimualdus [662-671] amplexatus esset, statim sensit, quod loricam sub veste gestaret. Nec mora, evaginato gladio eum vita privavit. Regnumque eius et omnem potentiam invadens, suae subdidit dicioni. Habebat autem tunc Godepert iam filium parvulum nomine Raginpertum, qui a Godeperti fidelibus sublatus et occulte nutritus est. Nec eum Grimuald persequi curavit, quipqui adhuc infantulus esset. Quo audito Perctarit, qui aput Mediolanum regnabat, quod germanus eius esset extinctus, quanta potuit velocitate fugam arripuit adque ad regem Avarum Cacanum pervenit, uxorem Rodelindam et parvulum filium nomine Cunicpertum relinquens, quos Grimuald Beneventum in exilium direxit. His ita gestis, Garipaldus, cuius instigatione et certamine ista patrata sunt - et non solum haec egerat, sed et fraudem in legatione sua fecerat, dum munera, quae deferre Beneventum debuerat, non integra deportasset -, talium ergo operum patrator non diu laetatus est. Erat quidam parvus homunculus ex propria familia Godeperti oriundus in civitate Taurinatium. Is cum Garipaldum ducem ipso sacratissimo paschali die ad orationem in beati Iohannis basilicam venturum sciret, super sacrum baptisterii fontem conscendens laevaque manu se ad columellum tugurii continens, unde Garipaldus transiturus erat, evaginatum ensem sub amictu tenens, cum iuxta eum Garipald venisset, ut pertransiret, ipse, elevato amictu, toto adnisu eodem ense in cervice percussit caputque eius protinus amputavit. Super quem qui cum Garipaldo venerant inruentes, multis eum ictuum vulneribus occiderunt. Qui licet occubuerit, tamen Godeperti sui domini iniuriam insigniter ultus est.
Finit liber quartus.
Liber V
Anulus ducis
Langobardorum
Incipit liber quintus.
1. Confirmato itaque Grimuald regno aput Ticinum, non multo post tempore iam dudum pactam sibi Ariperti regis filiam, cuius germanum Godepertum extinxerat, duxit uxorem. Beneventanum vero exercitum, cuius auxilio regnum adeptus erat, multis dotatum muneribus remisit ad propria. Aliquantos tamen ex eis secum habitaturos retenuit, largissimas eis tribuens possessiones.
2. Qui postquam conperit Perctarit profugum Scithiam appetisse et aput Cacanum demorari, eidem Cacano Avarum regi per legatos mandavit, ut, si Perctarit in suo regno detineret, cum Langobardis et secum pacem, quam hactenus habuerat, deinceps habere non possit. Haec Avarum rex audiens, adscito Perctarit, dixit ei ut in quam partem vellet pergeret, ne propter eum Avares cum Langobardis inimicitias contraherent. Perctarit vero haec audiens, Italiam ad Grimualdum reversurus repetiit; audierat enim eum clementissimum esse. Igitur cum ad Laudensem civitatem venisset, misit ante se ad Grimualdum . regem Unulfum sibi fidelissimum virum, qui suum ei adventum nuntiaret. Unulfus vero ad regem veniens, Perctarit in eius fide adventare nuntiavit. Haec ille audiens, fidenter promisit, in sua eum fide venientem nihil mali passurum fore. Inter haec Perctarit adveniens, ad Grimualdum ingressus, cum eius se vestigiis advolvere conatus esset, rex eum clementer retenuit atque ad suum osculum erexit. Ad quem Perctarit: «Servus tuus sum;» inquit «sciens te christianissimum et pium esse, cum possim inter paganos vivere, fretus de tua clementia ad tua vestigia veni». Cui rex, ut solebat, iureiurando ita repromisit dicens: .«Per eum qui me nasci fecit, postquam in meam fidem ad me venisti, nihil in aliquo mali patieris, sed ita te ordinabo, ut decenter vivere possis». Tunc ei in spatiosa domo hospitium praebens, eum post viae laborem habere requiem iussit; praecipiens eidem ex publico victum et quaeque essent necessaria largius ministrari. Perctarit vero cum ad hospitium sibi a rege praeparatum venisset, mox ad eum Ticinensium civium coeperunt turmae concurrere, ut eum vel viderent vel pristina notitia cognitum salutarent. V erum quid non mala lingua inrumpere potest? Mox namque venientes ad regem quidam maligni adulatores, regi denuntiant, quia, nisi Perctarit citius vita privaret, ipse regnum protinus cum vita perderet; adseverantes, ob hoc ad eum totam concurrere civitatem. His auditis Grimuald nimium credulus effectus, et quod promiserat oblitus, in innocentis Perctarit statim necem accenditur, consiliumque iniit, qualiter eum, quia iam hora tardior erat, in crastino vita privaret. Cui denique ad vesperam diversos cibos, vina quoque praecipua variaque potionum genera transmisit, ut eum inebriare posset, quatenus multa eadem nocte potatione resolutus vinoque sepultus, de sua nihil salute cogitare valeret. Tunc unus qui de eius patris obsequio fuerat, cum eidem Perctarit ferculum regium adtulisset, quasi eum salutaturus sub mensam caput mittens, eidem secrete, quia rex eum occidere disponeret, nuntiavit. Perctarit vero statim suo pincernae praecepit, ut sibi in fiala argentea non aliud quam ali quantulum aquae propinaret. Cumque ii qui diversi generis potiones ei a rege deferebant de verbo regis eum rogarent, ut totam fialam biberet, ille in honorem regis se totam bibere promittens, parum aquae libabat d e argenteo calice. Qui ministri dum haec regi nuntiarent, quod ille avidissime biberet, rex laetus respondit: «Bibat ebriosus ille; cras enim pariter eadem vina mixta cum sanguine refundet». Perctarit vero Unulfum citius ad se adscitum, de sua morte ei regis consilium nuntiavit. Qui statim ad domum suam puerum misit, ut Sibi lectisternia deferret, lectumque sibi iuxta stratum Perctarit fieri praecepit. Nec mora, rex Grimuald suos satellites direxit, qui domum, in qua Perctarit quiescebat, ne aliquo modo effugere posset, custodire deberent. Cumque coena finita esset, et egressis omnibus Perctarit tantum ed Unulfus ac vestiarius Perctarit remansissent, qui utique eidem satis erant fideles, consilium ei aperiunt et obsecrant eum, ut, cum Perctarit fugeret, ipse eum quamdiu possit intra eundem cubiculum quiescere simularet. Cumque se ille hoc facturum spopondisset, Unulfus pannos suos lectaricios et culcitram ursinamque pellem supra dorsum ac cervicem Perctarit inposuit, eumque ex consilio quasi rusticanum servum extra ianuam inpellere coepit, multasque ei iniurias faciens, fuste eum insuper percutere desuper et urguere non cessabat, ita ut inpulsus atque ictus saepius ad terram corrueret. Cumque eundem Unulfum regii satellites, qui ad custodiam positi erant, requirerent, quid hoc esset: «Servus iste» inquit «nequam lectum mihi in cubiculo ebriosi istius Perctarit statuit, qui in tantum vino plenus est, ut quasi mortuus ita cubet. Sed satis est, quod eius nunc usque amentiam secutus sum, iam deinceps in vita domni regis in domo propria manebo». Haec illi audientes et vera quae audierant esse credentes, laeti effecti sunt, et eum pariterque Perctarit, quem putabant servum et qui opertum, ne agnosceretur, habebat caput, locum illis dantes, abire permiserunt. Illis autem abeuntibus, vestiarius ille fidelissimus, obserato diligenter ostio, remansit intrinsecus solus. Unulfus vero Perctarit de muro anguli, qui est a parte Ticini fluminis, per funem deposuit eique quos potuit socios coniunxit. Qui, arreptis quos in pastu invenerant equis, eadem nocte ad Astensem properant civitatem, in qua Perctarit amici manebant et qui adhuc Grimualdo rebelles extabant. Deinde quantocius Perctarit Taurinensem urbem petens, ac post claustra Italiae transgressus, Francorum ad patriam pervenit. Sicque Deus omnipotens dispositione misericordiae et innocentem a morte eripuit et regem ex animo bona facere cupientem ab offensione servavit.
3. At vero rex Grimoald dum Perctarit in hospitio suo quiescere putaret, ab eodem hospitio usque ad palatium suum acies hominum hinc et inde adstare fecit, ut per eorum medium Perctarit deduceretur, quatenus effugere minime posset. Cumque a rege missi venissent, qui Perctarit ad palatium evocarent, et ad ostium [cubiculi, in] quo eum quiescere putabant, pulsassent, vestiarius ille qui introrsus erat rogabat eos dicens: «Misericordiam cum eo facite eumque paululum quiescere sinite, quia adhuc de itinere lassus gravissimo.somno deprimitur». Quod cum illi adquievissent, hoc ipsum regi nuntiaverunt, quia adhuc Perctarit gravi somno quiesceret. Tunc ille: «Sic» inquit «hesterna sera se vino opplevit, ut adhuc vigilare non possit?». Quibus tamen praecepit, ut mox eum excitatum ad palatium deducerent. Qui venientes ad ianuam cubiculi, in quo Perctarit sperabant quiescere, coeperunt acrius pulsare. Tunc vestiarius ille rursum eos rogare coepit, ut quasi eundem Perctarit aliquantulum adhuc dormire permitterent. Qui irati vociferantes, iam satis ebriosum illum quievisse, mox calcibus eiusdem cubiculi ostium confringunt, ingressique Perctarit in lectulo requirunt. Quem cum non invenissent, ad requisita eum naturae residere suspicati sunt. Quem cum nec ibi repperissent, vestiarium illum interrogant, quid de Perctarit factum fuisset. Quibus ille fugisse eum respondit. Quem statim capillis adprehensum, furentes eumque verberantes, ad palatium pertrahunt. Eumque in regis praesentiam perducentes, fugae Perctarit hunc esse conscium ideoque morte dignissimum dicunt. Quem rex dimitti praecepit eumque per ordinem, qualiter Perctarit effugisset, inquisivit. Ille regi universa sicut acta fuerant retulit. Tunc rex a circumstantibus requisivit dicens: «Quid vobis de homine isto videtur, qui talia perpetravit?». Tunc omnes una voce responderunt, esse eum dignum multis suppliciis excruciatum interire. At rex: «Per (eum) qui me nasci fecit» inquit «dignus est homo iste bene habere, qui se pro fide sui domini morti tradere non recusavit». Eumque mox inter suos vestiarios esse praecepit, ammonens eum, ut sibi eandem fidem quam Perctarit habuerat servaret; multa se ei commoda largiturum promittens. Cumque rex requireret, quid de Unulfum factum fuisset, nuntiatum est ei, quod in beati archangeli Michahelis basilicam confugium fecisset. Qui mox ad eum misit, sponte promittens quod nihil pateretur mali, tantum in sua fide veniret. Unulfus vero talem regis promissionem audiens, mox ad palatium venit, atque ad regis vestigia provolutus, interrogatus ab eo est, quomodo [aut qualiter] Perctarit evadere potuisset. At ille cum ei cuncta ex ordine retulisset, rex eius fidem et prudentiam conlaudans, omnes eius facultates et quicquid habere poterat eidem clementer concessit.
4. Cumque post aliquot tempus rex Unulfum inquireret, utrum vellet ipsis diebus cum Perctarit esse, ille iureiurando ait, prius se vellet cum Perctarit mori, quam usquam alibi in summis deliciis vivere. Tunc rex etiam vestiarium illum requisivit dicens utrum melius ei esset secum in palatium manere, an cum Perctarit in peregrinatione degere. Qui cum ei similia sicut et Unulfus respondisset, rex eorum verba benigne suscipiens eorumque fidem conlaudans, praecepit Unulfo, ut quicquid vellet de domo sua tolleret, pueros scilicet et equos et diversam supellectilem, et ad Perctarit inlaesus properaret. Pari etiam modo et vestiarium illum absolvit. Qui omnia sua secundum benignitatem regis sufficienter tollentes, cum eiusdem regis adiutorio Francorum in patriam ad suum dilectum Perctarit sunt profecti.
5. Hac tempestate Francorum exercitus de Provincia egrediens, in Italiam introivit. Contra quos Grimuald cum Langobardis progressus, hac eos arte decepit. Fugere quippe se eorum impetum simulans, castra sua simul cum tentoriis et diversis pariter referta bonis praecipueque vini optimi copia hominibus omnino vacua reliquit. Quo dum Francorum acies advenissent, existimantes Grimualdum cum Langobardis pavore deterritos castra integra reliquisse, mox laeti effecti certatim cuncta invadunt coenamque affluentissimam instruunt. Qui dum diversis epulis multoque degravati vino somnoque quievissent, Grimuald super eos post noctis medium inruens, tanta eos caede prostravit, ut vix pauci ex eis elapsi patriam valuerint reppedare. Qui locus, ubi hoc gestum est proelium, Francorum usque hodie Rivus appellatur, nec longe distat ab Astensis civitatis liminibus.
6. His diebus Constantinus Augustus, qui et Constans est appellatus, Italiam a Langobardorum manu eruere cupiens, Constantinopoli egressus, per litoralia iter habens, Athenas venit, indeque mare transgressus, Tarentum applicuit. Qui tamen prius ad solitarium quendam, qui prophetiae spiritum habere dicebatur, adiit, studiose ab eo sciscitans, utrum gentem Langobardorum, quae in Italia habitabat, superare et optinere possit. A quo cum servus Dei spatium unius noctis expetisset, ut pro hoc ipso Dominum supplicaret, facto mane ita eidem Augusto respondit: «Gens Langobardorum superari modo ab aliquo non potest, quia regina quaedam ex alia provincia veniens basilicam beati Iohannis baptistae in Langobardorum finibus construxit, et propter hoc ipse beatus Iohannes pro Langobardorum gente continue intercedit. Veniet autem tempus, quando ipsum oraculum habebitur despectui, et tunc gens ipsa peribit». Quod nos ita factum esse probavimus, qui ante Langobardorum perditionem eandem beati Iohannis basilicam, quae utique in loco qui Modicia dicitur est constituta, per viles personas ordinari conspeximus, ita ut indignis et adulteris non pro vitae merito, sed praemiorum datione, isdem locus venerabilis largiretur.
7. Igitur cum, ut diximus, Constans Augustus Tarentum venisset, egressus exinde, Beneventanorum fines invasit omnesque pene per quas venerat Langobardorum civitates cepit. Luceriam quoque, opulentam Apuliae civitatem, expugnatam fortius invadens diruit, ad solum usque prostravit. Agerentia sane propter munitissimam loci positionem capere minime potuit. Deinde cum omni suo exercitu Beneventum circumdedit et eam vehementer expugnare coepit; ubi tunc Rumuald, Grimualdi filius adhuc iuvenulus, ducatum tenebat. Qui statim ut imperatoris adventum cognovit, nutricium suum nomine Sesualdum ad patrem Grimualdum trans Padum direxit, obsecrans, ut quantocius veniret filioque suo ac Beneventanis, quos ipse nutrierat, potenter succurreret. Quod Grimuald rex audiens, statim cum exercitu filio laturus auxilium Beneventum pergere coepit. Quem plures ex Langobardis in itinere relinquentes, ad propria remearunt, dicentes, quia expoliasset palatium et iam non reversurus repeteret Beneventum. Interim imperatoris exercitus Beneventum diversis machinis vehementer expugnabat, econtra Romuald cum Langobardis fortiter resistebat. Qui quamvis cum tanta multitudine congredi manu ad manum propter paucitatem exercitus non auderet, frequenter tamen cum expeditis iuvenibus hostium castra inrumpens, magnas eisdem inferebat undique clades. Cumque Grimuald, eius pater, iamque properaret, eundem nutricium eius, de quo praemisimus, ad filium misit, qui ei suum adventum nuntiaret. Qui cum prope Beneventum venisset, a Grecis captus imperatori delatus est. Qui ab eo unde adveniret requirens, ille se a Grimualdo rege venire dixit eundemque regem citius adventare nuntiavit. Statimque imperator exterritus, consilium cum suis iniit, quatenus cum Romualdo pacisceretur, ut Neapolim possit reverti.
8. Acceptaque obside Romualdi sororem, cui nomen Gisa fuit, cum eodem pacem fecit. Eius vero nutricium Sesualdum ad muros duci praecepit, mortem eidem minatus, si aliquid Romualdo aut civibus de Grimualdi adventu nuntiaret, sed potius asseveraret, eundem venire minime posse. Quod ille ita se facturum ut ei praecipiebatur promisit; sed cum prope muros advenisset, velle se Romualdum videre dixit. Quo cum Romuald citius advenisset, sic ad eum locutus est: «Constans esto, domine Romuald, et habens fiduciam noli turbari, quia tuus genitor citius tibi auxilium praebiturus aderit. Nam scias, eum hac nocte iuxta Sangrum fluvium cum valido exercitu manere. Tantum obsecro, ut misericordiam exhibeas cum mea uxore et filiis, quia gens ista perfida me vivere non sinebit». Cumque hoc dixisset, iussu imperatoris caput eius abscisum atque cum belli machina quam petrariam vocant in urbem proiectum est. Quod caput Romuald sibi deferri iussit idque lacrimans obsculatus est dignoque in loculo tumulari praecepit.
9. Metuens igitur imperator subitum Grimualdi regis adventum, dimissa Beneventi obsidione, Neapolim proficiscitur. Cuius tamen exercitum Mitola Capuanus comes iuxta fluenta Caloris fluminis in loco qui usque hodie Pugna dicitur vehementer adtrivit.
10. Postquam vero imperator Neapolim pervenit, unus ex eius optimatibus, cui nomen Saburrus erat, ab Augusto, ut fertur, viginti milia militum expetiit, seque cum Romualdo pugnaturum victoremque spopondit. Qui cum accepto exercitu ad locum cui Forinus nomen est advenisset ibique castra posuisset, Grimuald, qui i .am Beneventum advenerat, haec audiens, contra eum proficisci voluit. Cui filius Romuald: «Non est opus;» inquit «sed tantum partem nobis de exercitu vestro tribuite. Ego Deo favente cum eo pugnabo; et cum vicero, maior utique gloria vestrae potentiae adscribetur». Factumque est; et accepta aliqua parte de patris exercitu, pariterque cum suis hominibus contra Saburrum proficiscitur. Qui priusquam bellum cum eo iniret, a quattuor partibus tubas insonare praecepit moxque super eos audenter inrupit. Cumque utraeque acies forti intentione pugnarent, tunc unus de regis exercitu nomine Amalongus, qui regium contum ferre erat solitus, quendam Greculum eodem conto utrisque manibus fortiter percutiens, de sella super quam equitabat sustulit eumque in aera super caput suum levavit. Quod cernens Grecorum exercitus, mox inmenso pavore perterritus in fugam convertitur, ultimaque pernicie caesus, sibi fugiens mortem, Romualdo et Langobardis victoriam peperit. Ita Saburrus, qui se imperatori suo victoriae tropaeum de Langobardis promiserat patrare, ad eum cum paucis remeans, ignominiam deportavit; Romuald vero, patrata de inimicis victoria, Beneventum triumphans reversus est patrique gaudium et cunctis securitatem, sublato hostium timore, convexit.
11. At vero Constans Augustus cum nihil se contra Langobardos gessisse conspiceret, omnes saevitiae suae minas contra suos, hoc est Romanos, retorsit. Nam egressus Neapoli, Romam perrexit. Cui sexto ab urbe miliario Vitalianus papa cum sacerdotibus et Romano populo occurrit. Qui Augustus cum ad beati Petri limina pervenisset, optulit ibi pallium auro textile; et manens aput Romam diebus duodecim, omnia quae fuerant antiquitus instituta ex aere in ornamentum civitatis deposuit, in tantum ut etiam basilicam beatae Mariae, quae aliquando Pantheum vocabatur et conditum fuerat in honore[m] omnium deorum, et iam ibi per concessionem superiorum principum locus erat omnium martyrum, discooperiret tegulasque aereas exinde auferret easque simul cum aliis omnibus ornamentis Constantinopolim transmitteret. Deinde reversus imperator Neapolim, itinere terreno perrexit civitatem Regium. Ingressusque Siciliam per indictionem septimam, habitavit in Syracusa, et tales afflictiones inposuit populo seu habitatoribus vel possessoribus Calabriae, Siciliae, Africae atque Sardiniae, quales antea numquam auditae sunt, ita ut etiam uxores a maritis vel filii a parentibus separarentur. Sed et alia multa et inaudita harum regionum populi sunt perpessi, ita ut alicui spes vitae non remaneret. Nam et vasa sacrata vel cimelia sanctarum Dei ecclesiarum imperiali iussu et Grecorum avaricia sublata sunt. Mansit autem imperator in Sicilia ab indictione septima usque in duodecimam; sed tandem tantarum iniquitatum poenas luit, atque dum se in balneo lavaret, a suis extinctus est.
12. Interfecto igitur aput Siracusas Constante imperatore, Mecetius in Sicilia regnum arripuit, sed absque orientalis exercitus voluntate. Contra quem Italiae milites alii per Histriam, alii per partes Campaniae, alii vero a partibus Africae et Sardiniae venientes in Siracusas, eum vita privarunt. Multique ex iudicibus eius detruncati Constantinopolim perducti sunt; cum quibus pariter et falsi imperatoris caput est deportatum.
13. Haec audiens gens Sarracenorum, quae iam Alexandriam et Aegyptum pervaserat, subito cum multis navibus venientes, Siciliam invadunt, Siracusas ingrediuntur multamque stragem faciunt populorum, vix paucis evadentibus, qui per munitissima castra et iuga confugerant montium, auferentes quoque praedam nimiam et omne illud quod Constans Augustus a Roma abstulerat ornatum in aere et diversis speciebus; sicque Alexandriam reversi sunt.
14. Porro regis filia, quam de Benevento obsidis nomine sublatam diximus, Siciliam veniens, diem clausit extremum.
15. Hoc tempore tantae pluviae tantaque tonitrua fuerunt, quanta ante nullus meminerat hominum, ita ut innumera hominum et animantium milia fulminibus essent perempta. Eo anno legumina, quae propter pluvias colligi nequiverunt, iterum renata et ad maturitatem usque perducta sunt.
16. At vero rex Grimuald, ereptis Beneventanis et eorum provinciis a Graecis, ad palatium suum aput Ticinum repedare disponens, Transamundum, qui dudum Capuae comes fuerat et ei ad percipiendum regnum strenuissime paruerat, data ei in matrimonium sua filia, Romualdi altera sorore, eum post Attonem, de quo superius diximus, aput Spoletium ductorem effecit, indeque Ticinum reversus est.
17. Siquidem, ut superius praemiseramus, Grasulfo Foroiulanorum duce defuncto, successor ei in ducatu Ago datus, de cuius nomine usque hodie domus quaedam intra Foroiuli constituta domus Agonis appellatur. Quo Agone mortuo, Foroiulanorum ductor Lupus efficitur. Hic Lupus in Grados insulam, quae non longe ab Aquileia est, cum equestri exercitu per stratam quae antiquitus per mare facta fuerat introivit, et depraedata ipsa civitate, Aquileiensis ecclesiae thesauros exinde auferens, reportavit. Huic Lupo, quando Grimuald Beneventum perrexit, suum palatium commendavit.
18. Qui Lupus dum rege absente multa insolenter aput Ticinum egisset, quippe quem reversurum non aestimaret: revertente rege, sciens, eidem ea quae non recte gesserat displicere, Forumiuli petens, contra eundem regem suae nequitiae conscius rebellavit.
19. Tum Grimuald, nolens civile bellum inter Langobardos excitare, regi Avarum Cacano mandavit, ut in Forumiuli contra Lupum ducem cum exercitu veniret eumque bello protereret. Quod et factum est. Nam veniente Cacano cum magno exercitu, in loco qui Flovius dicitur, sicut nobis retulerunt seniores viri qui in ipso bello fuerunt, per tres dies Lupus dux cum Foroiulanis adversus Cacani exercitum conflixit. Et prima quidem die validum eius exercitum, paucis suis vulneratis, prostravit. Secunda vero die, iam aliquantis e suis vulneratis et mortuis, pari modo multos ex Avaribus extinxit. Tertia vero die, iam pluribus ex suis sauciatis sive peremptis, nihilominus magnum Cacani exercitum delevit praedamque copiosam invasit. At vero die quarto tantam super se multitudinem conspexerunt venientem, ut vix per fugam evadere possent.
20. Ibi itaque Lupo duce perempto, reliqui qui remanse rant sese per castella communiunt. Avares vero per omnes eorum fines discurrentes, cuncta rapinis invadunt vel sub posito igni conburunt. Qui cum per aliquot dies hoc face rent, a Grimualdo eis mandatum est, ut iam a devastatio ne quiescerent. Qui legatos ad Grimualdum mittunt, di centes Foroiuli se minime relicturos, quam armis propriis conquisissent.
21. Tunc Grimuald necessitate conpulsus exercitum coa dunari praecepit, quatenus Avares de suis finibus exturbaret. In medio itaque campo sua castra et Avarum hospi tium conponens, cum exercitus partem exiguam haberet, eosdem ipsos quos habebat diverso habitu variisque in structos armis ante oculos legatorum per dies aliquot, quasi novus iugiter exercitus adventaret, frequenter trans ire fecit. Avarum vero legati dum eundem ipsum exerci tum aliis et aliis modis praeterire conspiciunt, inmensam Langobardorum multitudinem esse, crediderunt. Quibus Grimuald ita dixit: «Cum omni hac quam vidistis exercitus multitudine statim super Cacanum inruam et Avares, nisi de Foroiulanorum finibus velociter exierint». His visis et auditis legati Avarum cum haec suo regi nuntiassent, mox cum omni suo exercitu ad proprium reversus est regnum.
22. Denique Lupo hoc modo ut praemisimus interempto, Arnefrit, eius filius, voluit in loco patris aput Foroiuli optinere ducatum. Sed metuens Grimualdi regis vires, fugit ad Sclavorum gentem in Carnuntum, quod corrupte vocitant Carantanum. Qui postea cum Sclavis adveniens, quasi ducatum eorum viribus resumpturus, aput Nemas castrum, quod non longe a Foroiuli distat, inruentibus super se Foroiulanis, extinctus est.
23. Deinde ordinatus est aput Foroiuli dux Wechtari, qui fuit oriundus de Vincentina civitate, vir benignus et populum suaviter regens. Hunc cum audisset Sclavorum gens Ticinum profectum esse, congregata valida multitudine, voluerunt super Foroiulanum castrum inruere; et venientes castrametati sunt in loco qui Broxas dicitur, non longe a Foroiuli. Secundum divinam autem dispositionem contigit, ut dux Wechtari superiori vespere a Ticino reverteretur nescientibus Sclavis. Cuius comites cum ad propria, ut adsolet fieri, remeassent, ipse hoc nuntium de Sclavis audiens, cum paucis viris, hoc est viginti quinque, contra eos progressus est. Quem Sclavi cum tam paucis venire conspicientes, inriserunt, dicentes, patriarcham contra se cum clericis adventare. Qui cum ad pontem Natisionis fluminis, qui ibidem est ubi Sclavi residebant, propinquasset, cassidem sibi de capite auferens, vultum suum Sclavis ostendit; erat enim calvo capite. Quem dum Sclavi, quia ipse esset Wechtari, cognovissent, mox perturbati, Wechtari adesse clamitant, Deoque eos exterrente, plus de fuga quam de proelio cogitant. Tunc super eos Wechtari cum paucis quos habebat inruens, tanta eos strage prostravit, ut ex quinque milibus viris vix pauci qui evaderent remanerent.
24. Post hunc Wechtari Laudari aput Foroiuli ducatum tenuit. Quo defuncto, ei Rodoald in ducatu successit.
25. Mortuo igitur, ut diximus, Lupo duce, Grimualdus rex filiam eius nomine Theuderadam suo filio Romualdo, qui Beneventum regebat, in matrimonium tradidit. Ex qua inde tres filios, hoc est Grimualdum, Gisulfum necnon et Arichis, genuit.
26. Rex quoque Grimuald de omnibus illis, qui eum, quando Beneventum profectus fuerat, deseruerunt, suas iniurias ultus est.
27. Sed et Forum Populi, Romanorum civitatem, cuius cives eidem adversa quaedam intulerant Beneventum proficiscenti missosque illius euntes et redeuntes a Benevento saepius laeserant, hoc modo delevit. Quadragesimorum tempore per Alpem Bardonis Tusciam ingressus, nescientibus omnino Romanis, in ipso sacratissimo sabbato paschali super eandem civitatem, ea hora qua baptismum fiebat, inopinate inruit, tantamque occisorum stragem fecit, ut etiam diacones ipsos, qui infantulos baptizabant, in ipso sacro fonte perimeret. Sicque eandem urbem deiecit, ut usque hodie paucissimi in ea commaneant habitatores.
28. Erat quidem Grimualdo contra Romanos non mediocre odium, pro eo quod eius quondam germanos Tasonem et Cacconem in sua fide decepissent. Quam ob causam Opitergium civitatem, ubi ipsi extincti sunt, funditus destruxit eorumque qui ibi habitaverant fines Foroiulanis Tarvisianisque et Cenetensibus divisit.
29. Per haec tempora Vulgarum dux Alzeco nomine, incertum quam ob causam, a sua gente digressus, Italiam pacifice introiens, cum omni sui ducatus exercitu ad regem Grimuald venit, ei se serviturum atque in eius patria habitaturum promittens. Quem ille ad Romualdum filium Beneventum dirigens, ut ei cum suo populo loca ad habitandum concedere deberet, praecepit. Quos Romualdus dux gratanter excipiens, eisdem spatiosa ad habitandum loca, quae usque ad illud tempus deserta erant, contribuit, scilicet Sepinum, Bovianum et Iserniam et alias cum suis territoriis civitates, ipsumque Alzeconem, mutato dignitatis nomine, de duce gastaldium vocitari praecepit. Qui usque hodie in his ut diximus locis habitantes, quamquam et Latine loquantur, linguae tamen propriae usum minime amiserunt.
30. Igitur extincto, ut diximus, aput Siciliam Constante Augusto, punitoque qui ei successerat Mezetio tyranno, Romanorum regnum Constantinus, Constantii Augusti filius, suscepit regendum, Romanisque principatus est annis decem et septem. Constanti sane temporibus Theodorus archiepiscopus et Adrianus abbas, vir aeque doctissimus, a Vitaliano papa missi in Brittaniam, plurimas ecclesias Anglorum doctrinae ecclesiasticae fruge fecundarunt. E quibus Theodorus archiepiscopus peccantium iudicia, quantis scilicet annis pro unoquoque peccato quis poenitere debeat, mirabili et discreta consideratione descripsit.
31. Insequenti post tempore mense augusto a parte orientis stella cometis apparuit nimis fulgentibus radiis, quae post semet ipsam reversa disparuit. Nec mora, gravis pestilentia ab eadem parte orientis secuta, Romanum populum devastavit. His diebus Domnus papa Romanae ecclesiae locum qui Paradisus dicitur ante basilicam beati apostoli Petri candidis et magnis marmoribus mirifice stravit.
32. Hac tempestate Francorum regnum aput Gallias Dagipertus regebat, cum quo rex Grimuald pacis firmissimae foedus inierat. Cuius Grimualdi vires Perctarit etiam aput Francorum patriam constitutus metuens, egressus e Gallia, ad Brittaniam insulam Saxonumque regem properare disponit.
33. At vero Grimuald nono die post flevotomum in suo palatio constitutus, accepto arcu cum columbam sagitta percutere nisus esset, eius brachii vena dirupta est. Cui, ut ferunt, medici venenata medicamina supponentes, eum ab hac funditus privarunt luce. Hic in edicto, quod Rothari rex conposuerat, aliqua capitula legis, quae ei utilia visa sunt, adiecit. Fuit autem corpore praevalidus, audacia primus, calvo capite, barba prominenti, non minus consilio quam viribus decoratus. Sepultum autem est corpus eius in basilica beati Ambrosii confessoris, quam dudum ipse intra Ticinensem construxerat civitatem. Hic, post mortem Ariperti regis expleto iam anno uno et mensibus tribus, Langobardorum regnum invasit, regnavitque ipse annis novem, relicto Garibald, filio suo, quem ei Ariperti regis filia genuerat, rege adhuc puerilis aetatis. Igitur, ut dicere coeperamus, Perctarit egressus de Gallia, navem ascendit, ut ad Brittaniam insulam ad regnum Saxonum transmearet. Cumque iam aliquantum per pelagus navigasset, vox a litore audita est inquirentis, utrum Perctarit in eadem nave consisteret. Cui cum responsum esset, quod Perctarit ibi esset, ille qui clamabat subiunxit: «Dicite illi, revertatur in patriam suam, quia tertia die est hodie, quod Grimualdus ab hac subtractus est luce». Quo audito, Perctarit statim post se reversus est, veniensque ad litus, invenire personam non potuit, quae ei de Grimualdi morte nuntiavit; unde arbitratus est, non hunc hominem, sed divinum nuntium fuisse. Exindeque ad patriam tendens, cum ad claustra Italiae venisset, iam ibi omnia obsequia palatina omnemque regiam dignitatem cum magna Langobardorum multitudine praeparatam, se repperit expectari. Itaque Ticinum reversus, exturbato Garibaldo puerulo a regno, ab universis Langobardis mense tertio post mortem Grimualdi in regnum levatus est. Erat autem vir pius, fide catholicus, iustitiae tenax pauperumque largissimus nutritor. Qui statim Beneventum misit exindeque Rodelindam suam coniugem et Cunincpertum filium suum revocavit.
34. Qui ut regni iura suscepit, in loco illo qui a parte fluminis Ticini est, unde ipse olim fugerat, monasterium quod Novum appellatur Domino et liberatori suo in honore sanctae virginis et martyris Agathae construxit. In quo multas virgines adgregavit rebusque et diversis pariter eundem locum ornamentis ditavit. Regina vero eius Rodelinda basilicam sanctae Dei genitricis extra muros eiusdem civitatis Ticinensis, quae Ad Perticas appellatur, opere mirabili condidit ornamentisque mirificis decoravit. Ad Perticas autem locus ipse ideo dicitur, quia ibi olim perticae, id est trabes, erectae steterant, quae ob hanc causam iuxta morem Langobardorum poni solebant: si quis enim in aliqua parte aut in bello aut quomodocumque extinctus fuisset, consanguinei eius intra sepulchra sua perticam figebant, in cuius summitate columbam ex ligno factam ponebant, quae illuc versa esset, ubi illorum dilectus obisset, scilicet ut sciri possit, in quam partem is qui defunctus fuerat quiesceret.
35. Igitur Perctarit [671-688], cum solus per annos septem regnasset, octavo iam anno Cunincpert filium suum in regno consortem adscivit, cum quo pariter per decem annos regnavit.
36. Cumque in magna pace degerent et ex omni parte in circuitu tranquillitatem haberent, surrexit contra eos filius iniquitatis Alahis nomine, per quem in regno Langobardorum, perturbata pace, maximae populorum factae sunt strages. Hic dum dux esset in Tridentina civitate, cum comite Baioariorum, quem illi gravionem dicunt, qui Bauzanum et reliqua castella regebat, conflixit eumque mirifice superavit. Qua de causa elatus, etiam contra regem suum Perctarit manum levavit atque se intra Tridentinum castellum rebellans communivit. Contra quem rex Perctarit progressus, cum eum extrinsecus obsideret, inopinate subito Alahis cum suis civitate egressus, regis castra protrivit regemque ipsum fugam petere conpulit. Qui tamen postmodum, faciente Cunincperto, regis filio, qui eum iam olim diligebat, in regis Perctarit gratiam reversus est. Qui rex cum eum interficere aliquotiens vellet, Cunincpertus [688-700], eius filius, hoc fieri semper proibuit, reputans eum de reliquo fidelem existere; nec destitit patrem optinere, quin etiam ei ducatum Brexiae contribueret; reclamante saepius patre, quod in suam hoc Cunincpert perniciem faceret, qui hosti suo ad regnandum vires praeberet. Brexiana denique civitas magnam semper nobilium Langobardorum multitudinem habuit, quorum auxilio metuebat Perctarit Alahis potentiorem fore. His diebus rex Perctarit in civitate Ticinensi portam contiguam palatio, quae et Palatinensis dicitur, opere mirifico construxit.
37. Qui cum decem et octo annos, et primum solus et post cum filio, regnum tenuisset, ab hac luce subtractus est, corpusque illius iuxta basilicam domini Salvatoris, quam Aripert, eius genitor, construxerat, sepultum est. Fuit autem statura decens, corpore pleno, mitis per omnia et suavis. At vero Cunincpert rex Hermelindam ex Saxonum Anglorum genere duxit uxorem. Quae cum in balneo Theodotem, puellam ex nobilissimo Romanorum genere ortam, eleganti corpore et flavis prolixisque capillis pene usque ad pedes decoratam vidisset, eius pulchritudinem suo viro Cunincperto regi laudavit. Qui ab uxore hoc libenter audire dissimulans, in magnum tamen puellae exarsit amorem; nec mora, venatum in silvam quam Urbem appellant perrexit secumque suam coniugem Hermelindam venire praecepit. Qui exinde noctu egrediens, Ticinum venit, et ad se Theodotem puellam venire faciens, cum ea concubuit. Quam tamen postea in monasterium, quod de illius nomine intra Ticinum appellatum est, misit.
38. Alahis vero iam dudum conceptam iniquitatem parturiens, adnitentibus Aldone et Grausone Brexianis civibus, sed et aliis multis ex Langobardis, oblitus tantorum beneficiorum quae in eum rex Cunincpert inpenderat, oblitus etiam iusiurandum quo ei se fidelissimum esse spoponderat, cum Cunincpert abesset, regnum eius et palatium intra Ticinum positum invasit. Quod Cunincpert ubi erat audiens, statim ad insulam, quae intra lacum Larium non longe a Como est, confugit ibique se fortiter communivit. Facta est autem magna tribulatio omnibus qui eum diligebant, et maxime sacerdotibus et clericis, quos omnes Alahis exosos habebat. Erat autem eo tempore Ticinensis ecclesiae episcopus vir Domini Damianus, sanctitate praecipuus, liberalibus artibus sufficienter instructus. Is cum Alahis palatium invasisse respiceret, ne quid ab eo ipse vel sua ecclesia adversi perpeteretur, Thomam diaconem suum, sapientem scilicet et religiosum virum, ad eum misit perque eum ei dem Alahis benedictionem sanctae suae ecclesiae transmisit. Nuntiatum est Alahis, Thomam diaconem ante fores adstare benedictionemque ab episcopo detulisse. Tunc Alahis, qui, ut diximus, omnes clericos odio habebat, ita inquit ad suos: «Ite, dicite illi, si munda femoralia habet, intret; sin autem aliter, foris contineat pedem». Thomas vero cum hos sermones audisset, ita respondit: «Nuntiate ei, quia munda femoralia habeo, quippe qui ea hodie lota indutus sum». Cui Alahis ita iterato mandavit: «Ego non dico de femoralibus, sed de his quae intra femoralia habentur». Ad haec Thomas ita respondit: «Ite, dicite illi: Deus solus potest in me in his causis reprehensionem invenire; nam ille nullatenus potest». Cumque eundem diaconem Alahis ad se ingredi fecisset, aspere satis et obiurgando cum eo locutus est. Tunc omnes clericos et sacerdotes pavor et odium tyranni invasit, aestimantes se eius feritatem tolerare omnino non posse. Coeperuntque tanto amplius Cunincpertum desiderare, quanto pervasorem regni superbum execrationi haberent. Sed non diutius feritas et cruda barbaries pervasum regnum optinuit.
39. Denique cum die quadam solidos super mensam numeraret, unus ei tremisses de eadem mensa cecidit, quem filius Aldonis adhuc puerulus de terra colligens, eidem Alahis reddidit. Ad quem Alahis, sperans puerulum parum intellegere, ita locutus est: «Multos ex his genitor tuus habet, quos mihi in proximo, si Deus voluerit, daturus est». Qui puer cum vespere domum ad patrem regressus esset, cum suus genitor requisivit, si quid ei illo die rex locutus fuisset, ille patri omnia ut facta fuerant et quid sibi rex dixerat nuntiavit. Audiens haec Aldo vehementer pertimuit, fratremque suum Grausonem adscitum, ei omnia quae rex maligne locutus fuerat nuntiavit. Qui mox cum amicis et iis quibus credere poterant consilium ineunt, qualiter Alahis tyrannum regno privarent, priusquam ipse eis aliquam laesionem facere posset. Qui maturius ad palatium profecti, ita Alahis dixerunt: «Quid dignaris in civitate residere? Ecce omnis civitas et universus populus tibi fidelis existit, et ebriosus ille Cunincpert ita dissolutus est, ut iam ultra nullas possit habere vires. Egredere et vade in venationem et exerce te cum iuvenibus tuis, nos autem cum reliquis fidelibus tuis defendemus tibi hanc civitatem. Sed et ita tibi repromittimus, ut in proximo inimici tui Cunincperti caput adferamus». Qui eorum verbis persuasus, [extra] civitatem egressus atque ad Urbem vastissimam silvam profectus est ibique se iocis et venationibus exercere coepit. Aldo vero et Grauso euntes ad lacum Comacinum ingressique navem, ad Cunincpertum profecti sunt. Ad quem venientes, eius pedibus provoluti, se contra eum nequiter egisse professi sunt, eique, quid Alahis malitiose contra eos locutus fuerit, vel quale ipsi ad eius perditionem consilium eidem dederint, nuntiarunt. Quid plura? Pleverunt pariter et inter se sacramenta dederunt, diem statuentes, in quo Cunincpert veniret, ut ipsi ei civitatem Ticinensem contraderent. Quod et factum est. Nam die statuto Cunincpert Ticinum adveniens, ab eis libentissime susceptus palatium suum ingressus est. Tunc omnes cives, et praecipue episcopus, sacerdotes quoque et clerici, iuvenes et senes, certatim ad eum concurrentes, omnesque eum cum lacrimis amplexantes, Deo gratias de eius reversione, inaestimabili gaudio repleti, conclamabant; quos ille omnes prout potuit osculatus est. Nuntius subito ad Alahis pervenit, adimplesse Aldonem et Grausonem quod ei promiserant: et caput Cunincperti attulisse, et non solum caput, sed et totum corpus, eumque adfirmans in palatio consedere. Quod ille audiens, animo consternatus est, multaque contra Aldonem et Grausonem furibundus et frendens comminans, exinde egressus, per Placentiam ad Austriam rediit singulasque civitates partim blanditiis partim viribus sibi socians adscivit. Nam Vincentiam veniens, contra eum eius cives egressi, bellum paraverunt; sed mox victi, eius socii effecti sunt. Inde exiens, Tarvisium pervasit, pari modo etiam et reliquas civitates. Cumque contra eum Cunincpert exercitum colligeret, et Foroiulani in eius auxilium iuxta fidelitatem suam vellent proficisci: ipse Alahis ad pontem Liquentiae fluminis, quod a Foroiuli quadraginta et octo milibus distat et est in itinere Ticinum pergentibus, in silvam quae Capulanus dicitur latens, cum Foroiulanorum exercitus sparsim veniret, omnes eos, sicut veniebant, iurare sibi conpulit, diligenter cavens, ne aliquis ex his retro reversus venientibus hoc aliis nuntiaret; sicque omnes a Foroiuli venientes eius sunt sacramentis adstricti. Quid plura? Cum omni Alahis Austria, econtra Cunincpert cum suis venientes, in campo cui Coronate nomen est castra posuere.
40. Ad quem Cunincpert nuntium misit, mandans ei, ut cum eo singulare certamen iniret, nec opus esset utrorumque exercitum fatigare. Ad quae verba Alahis minime consensit. Cui cum unus e suis, genere Tuscus, ei persuaderet, virum bellicosum fortemque eum appellans, ut contra Cunincpertum audenter exiret, Alahis ad haec verba respondit: «Cunincpert, quamvis ebriosus sit et stupidi cordis, tamen satis est audax et mirae fortitudinis. Nam tempore patris eius quando nos erabamus iuvenculi, habebantur in palatio berbices mirae magnitudinis, quos ille supra dorsum eorum lanam adprehendens, extenso eos brachio a terra levabat; quod quidem ego facere non poteram». Haec ille Tuscus audiens, dixit ad eum: «Si tu cum Cunincperto pugnam inire singulari certamine non audes, me iam in tuo adiutorio socium non habebis». Et haec dicens, proripuit se et statim ad Cunincpertum confugiit et haec ipsa illi nuntiavit. Convenerunt itaque, ut diximus, utraeque acies in campo Coronate. Cumque iam prope essent, ut se coniungere deberent, Seno diaconus Ticinensis ecclesiae, qui custus erat basilicae beati Iohannis baptistae, quae intra eandem sita est civitatem, quam quondam Gundiperga regina construxerat, cum nimium diligeret regem et metueret, ne rex in bello periret, ait ad regem: «Domine rex, omnis vita nostra in tua salute consistit; si tu in bello perieris, omnes nos iste tyrannus Alahis per diversa supplicia extinguet. Placeat itaque tibi consilium meum. Da mihi apparatum armorum tuorum, et ego vadam et pugnabo cum isto tyranno. Si ego obiero, tu recuperabis causam tuam; si vero vicero, maior tibi, quia per servum viceris, gloria adscribetur». Cumque rex hoc se facturum esse denegaret, coeperunt eum pauci qui aderant eius fideles cum lacrimis deposcere, ut ad ea quae diaconus dixerat adsensum praeberet. Victus tandem, ut erat pii cordis, eorum precibus et lacrimis, loricam suam, galeam atque ocres et cetera arma diacono praebuit in suaque persona eum ad proelium direxit. Erat enim ipse diaconus eiusdem staturae et habitus, ita ut, cum fuisset de tentorio armatus egressus, rex Cunincpert ab omnibus esse putaretur. Commissum itaque est proelium et totis viribus decertatum. Cumque Alahis ibi magis intenderet, ubi regem esse putaret, Cunincpertum se extinxisse putans, Senonem diaconem interfecit. Cumque caput eius amputari praecepisset, ut, levato eo in conto, «Deo gratias» adclamarent, sublata casside, clericum se occidisse cognovit. Tunc furibundus exclamans: «Heu me!» inquit «nihil egimus, quando ad hoc proelium gessimus, ut clericum occideremus! Tale itaque nunc facio votum, ut, si mihi Deus victoriam iterum dederit, quod unum puteum de testiculis impleam clericorum».
41. Igitur Cunincpert perdidisse suos conspiciens, statim se eis ostendit omniumque corda, sublato pavore, ad sperandam victoriam confortavit. Instruuntur iterum acies, et hinc Cunincpert, inde Alahis ad belli certamina praeparantur. Cumque iam prope essent, ut se utraeque acies ad pugnandum coniungerent, Cunincpert ad Alahis iterato in haec verba mandavit: «Ecce, quantus populus ex utraque parte consistit! Quid opus est, ut tanta multitudo pereat? Coniungamus nos ego et ille singulari certamine, et cui voluerit Dominus de nobis donare victoriam, omnem hunc populum salvum et incolomem ipse possideat». Cumque Alahis sui hortarentur, ut faceret quod Cunincpert illi mandavit, ipse respondit: «Hoc facere ego non possum, quia inter contos suos sancti archangeli Michaelis, ubi ego illi iuravi, imaginem conspicio». Tunc unus ex illis: «Prae pavore» inquit «cernis quod non est; et tibi iam tarde est modo ista meditari». Conseruntur itaque acies perstrepentibus bucinis, et neutra parte locum dante, maxima populorum facta est strages. Tandem crudelis tyrannus Alahis interiit, et Cunincpert, adiuvante [se] Domino, victoriam cepit. Exercitus quoque Alahis, conperta eius morte, fugae subsidium arripuit. E quibus quem mucro non perculit, Addua fluvius interemit. Caput quoque Alahis detruncatum cruraque eius succisa sunt, informeque tantum truncumque cadaver remansit. In hoc bello Foroiulanorum exercitus minime fuit, quia, cum invitus Alahis iurasset, propter hoc nec regi Cunincperto nec Alahis auxilium tulit, sed cum illi bellum commisissent, ipsi ad propria sunt reversi. Igitur Alahis hoc modo defuncto, rex Cunincpert corpus Senoni diaconi ante fores basilicae beati Iohannis, quam ipse rexerat, mirifice sepelire mandavit; ipse vero regnator cum omnium exultatione et triumpho victoriae Ticinum reversus est.
Explicit liber quintus.
Liber VI
Adelchis filius Desiderii
regis Langobardorum
(759 - 774)
Incipit liber sextus.
1. Dum ista aput Langobardos trans Padum geruntur, Romualdus Beneventanorum dux, congregata exercitus multitudine, Tarentum expugnavit et cepit, parique modo Brundisium et omnem illam quae in circuitu est latissimam regionem suae dicioni subiugavit. Coniux quoque eius Theuderata eodem tempore foras muros Beneventanae civitatis basilicam in honore beati Petri apostoli construxit; quo in loco multarum ancillarum Dei coenobium instituit.
2. Romuald quoque, postquam sedecim annos ducatum gessit, ab hac luce subtractus est. Post quem eius filius Grimualdus tribus annis Samnitum populos rexit. Huic in coniugio sociata fuit Wigilinda, soror Cunincperti, filia Perctarit regis. Defuncto quoque Grimualdo, Gisulfus, eius germanus, ductor effectus est, praefuitque Benevento annis decem et septem. Huic sociata fuit Winiperga, quae ei Romuald peperit. Circa haec tempora, cum in castro Cassini, ubi beatissimi Benedicti sacrum corpus requiescit, ab aliquantis iam elapsis annis vasta solitudo existeret, venientes de Cenomannicorum vel Aurelianensium regione Franci, dum aput venerabile corpus se pernoctare simulassent, eiusdem venerabilis patris pariterque eius germanae venerandae Scolasticae ossa auferentes, in suam patriam adportarunt; ubi Singillatim duo monasteria in utrorumque honorem, hoc est beati Benedicti et sanctae Scolasticae, constructa sunt. Sed certum est, nobis os illud venerabile et omni nectare suavius et oculos semper caelestia contuentes, cetera quoque membra quamvis defluxa remansisse. Solum etenim singulariter dominicum corpus non vidit corruptionem; ceterum omnium sanctorum corpora in aeternam postea gloriam reparanda corruptioni subiecta sunt, his exceptis, quae ob divina miracula sine labe servantur.
3. At vero Rodoald, quem aput Foroiuli praemisimus ducatum tenuisse, cum ab eadem civitate abesset, Ansfrit de castro Reunia ducatum eius absque regis nutu pervasit. Quo comperto Rodoald in Histriam fugiit ac deinde navigio per Ravennam Ticinum ad Cunincpertum regem pervenit. Ansfrit vero non contentus ducatum Foroiulanensium regere, insuper contra Cunincpertum rebellans, regnum eius invadere voluit. Sed conprehensus in Verona, ad regem deductus, evulsis oculis, in exilium trusus est. Foroiulano autem ducatui post haec Ado, frater Rodoaldi, lociservatoris nomine per annum et menses septem gubernavit.
4. Dum haec in Italia geruntur, heresis aput Constantinopolim orta est, quae unam in domino nostro Iesu Christo voluntatem et operationem adseverabat. Hanc autem heresem excitarunt Georgius patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, Macharius, Pyrrus, Paulus et Petrus. Quam ob causam Constantinus Augustus centum quinquaginta episcopos congregari fecit; inter quos etiam fuerunt legati sanctae Romanae ecclesiae missi ab Agathone papa, Iohannes diaconus et Iohannes Portuensis episcopus; qui omnes eandem heresem damnaverunt. Ea hora tantae haranearum telae in medio populi ceciderunt, ut omnes mirarentur; ac per hoc significatum est, quod sordes hereticae pravitatis depulsae sunt. Et Georgius quidem patriarcha correptus est, ceteri vero in sua defensione perseverantes anathematis sunt ultione perculsi. Eo tempore Damianus Ticinensis ecclesiae episcopus sub nomine Mansueti Mediolanensis archiepiscopi hac de causa satis utilem rectaeque fidei epistolam conposuit, quae in praefato sinodo non mediocre suffragium tulit. Recta autem et vera fides haec est, ut in domino nostro Iesu Christo sicut duae sunt naturae, hoc est Dei et hominis, sic etiam duae credantur esse voluntates sive operationes. Vis audire de eo quod deitatis est? Ego, inquit, et pater unum sumus. Vis audire quod humanitatis? Pater maior me est. Cerne secundum humanitatem eum in navi dormientem; cerne eius divinitatem cum euangelista ait: Tunc surgens imperavit ventis et mari, et facta est tranquillitas magna. Haec est sexta sinodus universalis Constantinopoli celebrata et Greco sermone conscripta, temporibus papae Agathonis, exsequente ac residente Constantino principe intra septa palatii sui.
5. His temporibus per indictionem octavam luna eclypsin passa est. Solis quoque eclypsis eodem pene tempore, hora diei quasi decima, quinto nonas maias effecta est. Moxque subsecuta gravissima pestis est tribus mensibus, hoc est iulio, augusto et septembrio; tantaque fuit multitudo morientium, ut etiam parentes cum filiis atque fratres cum sororibus, bini per feretra positi, aput urbem Romam ad sepulchra ducerentur. Pari etiam modo haec pestilentia Ticinum quoque depopulata est, ita ut, cunctis civibus per iuga montium seu per diversa loca fugientibus, in foro et per plateas civitatis herbae et frutecta nascerentur. Tuncque visibiliter multis apparuit, quia bonus et malus angelus noctu per civitatem pergerent, et ex iussu boni angeli malus angelus, qui videbatur venabulum manu ferre, quotiens de venabulo ostium cuiuscumque domus percussisset, tot de eadem domo die sequenti homines interirent. Tunc cuidam per revelationem dictum est, quod pestis ipsa prius non quiesceret, quam in basilica beati Petri quae ad Vincula dicitur sancti Sebastiani martyris altarium poneretur. Factumque est, et delatis ab urbe Roma beati Sebastiani martyris reliquiis, mox ut in iam dicta basilica altarium constitutum est, pestis ipsa quievit.
6. Rex vero Cunincpert dum post haec cum stratore suo, qui lingua propria «marpahis» dicitur, consilium iniret in civitate Ticinensi, quomodo Aldonem et Grausonem vita privare deberet: repente in fenestra, iuxta quam consistebant, una de maiusculis musca consedit; quam Cunincpert cultello ut extingueret percutere volens, eius tantum pedem abscidit. Aldo vero et Grauso dum ad palatium regis consilium nescientes venirent, cum basilicae sancti Romani martyris, quae prope palatium sita est, propinquassent, repente eis obvius quidam claudus uno pede truncato factus est; qui eis dixit, quod eos Cunincpert, si ad eum pergerent, occisurus esset. Qui haec audientes, magno timore correpti, post altarium eiusdem basilicae confugiere. Moxque Cunincperto regi nuntiatum est, quod Aldo et Grauso in basilica beati Romani martyris confugissent. Tunc Cunincpert stratorem suum arguere coepit, ut quid suum consilium prodere debuisset. Cui suus strator ita respondit: «Domine mi rex, tu scis, quia, postquam hoc consiliati sumus, ego a tuo conspectu non exivi; et quomodo hoc alicui dicere potui?». Tunc rex [ad] Aldonem et Grausonem misit, interrogans eos, ut quid in locum sanctum confugium fecissent. Qui respondentes dixerunt: «Quia nuntiatum est nobis, quod nos dominus rex occidere vellet». Iterato rex misit ad eos, sciscitans, quis fuerit ille qui eis nuntiaverit, mandans eis, ut, nisi ei nuntiatorem proderent, eius gratiam invenire non possint. Tunc illi sicut factum fuerat regi mandaverunt, dicentes, claudum hominem obvium se habuisse, qui unum pedem truncatum habebat et genu tenus crure ligneo utebatur, et hunc fuisse sui interitus nuntium. Tunc intellexit rex, muscam illam cui pedem truncaverat malignum spiritum fuisse et ipsum sui secreti consilia prodidisse. Qui statim Aldonem et Grausonem in sua fide de eadem basilica suscipiens, eisdem culpam pepercit et in reliquum eosdem in loco fidelium habuit.
7. Eo tempore floruit in arte gramatica Felix, patruus Flaviani praeceptoris mei; quem in tantum rex dilexit, ut ei baculum argento auroque decoratum inter reliqua suae largitatis munera condonaret.
8. Per idem quoque tempus Iohannes episcopus Bergomatis ecclesiae vir mirae sanctitatis extitit. Qui cum regem Cunincpertum in convivio dum sermocinarentur offendisset, rex ei hospitium revertenti equum ferocem et indomitum, qui inmenso fremitu super se sedentes terrae allidere solebat, praeparari fecit. Cui cum episcopus supersedisset, ita mansuetus extitit, ut eum blando incessu usque ad domum propriam deportaret. Quod rex audiens, et episcopum ex eo die honore debito coluit, et ei ipsum equum, quem suae sessioni dedicaverat, dono largitus est.
9. Hac tempestate noctu stella iuxta Vergilias caelo sereno inter Domini Natalem et Theophaniam apparuit, omnimodo obumbrata, veluti cum luna sub nube est constituta. Post haec mense februario die media stella ab occasu exiit, quae cum magno fulgore in partes orientis declinavit. Dehinc mense martio Bebius eructuavit per dies aliquot, et omnia virentia circumquaque prae pulvere et cinere illius exterminata sunt.
10. Tunc Sarracinorum gens infidelis et Deo inimica ex Aegypto in Africam cum nimia multitudine pergens, obsessam Cartaginem cepit captamque crudeliter depopulata est et ad solum usque prostravit.
11. Inter haec Constantinus imperator aput Constantinopolim moritur, et eius minor filius Iustinianus Romanorum regnum suscepit, cuius per decem annos gubernacula tenuit. Hic Africam a Sarracenis abstulit et cum eisdem pacem terra marique fecit. Hic Sergium pontificem, quia in erroris illius synodo, quam [apud] Constantinopolim fecerat, favere et subscribere noluit, misso Zacharia protospathario suo, iussit Constantinopolim deportari. Sed militia Ravennae vicinarumque partium iussa principis nefanda contemnens, eundem Zachariam cum contumeliis ab urbe Roma et iniuriis pepulit.
12. Contra hunc Iustinianum Leo augustalem dignitatem arripiens, eum regno privavit; regnumque Romanorum tribus annis regens, Iustinianum exulem in Ponto servavit.
13. Rursumque Tiberius contra hunc Leonem insurgens, regnum eius invasit, eumque toto quo ipse regnavit tempore in eadem civitate in custodia tenuit.
14. Hoc tempore sinodus Aquileiae facta ob imperitiam fidei quintum universalem concilium suscipere diffidit, donec salutaribus beati papae Sergii monitis instructa et ipsa huic cum ceteris Christi ecclesiis annuere consentit. Facta autem est haec sinodus Constantinopolim temporibus Vigilii papae sub Iustiniano principe contra Theodorum et omnes hereticos, qui, beatam Mariam solum hominem, non Deum et hominem genuisse, adfirmabant. In qua sinodo catholice est institutum, ut beata Maria semper virgo theotocos diceretur, quia, sicut catholica fides habet, non hominem solum, sed vere Deum et hominem genuit.
15. His diebus Cedoal rex Anglorum Saxonum, qui multa in sua patria bella gesserat, ad Christum conversus Romam properavit. Qui per Cunincpertum regem veniens, ab eo mirifice susceptus est. Is cum Romam pervenisset, a Sergio papa baptizatus Petrusque appellatus et adhuc in albis constitutus, ad regna caelestia migravit. Cuius corpus in basilica beati Petri sepultum est, et hoc super se epythapium descriptum habet:
Culmen, opes, sobolem, pollentia regna, triumphos,
Exubias, proceres, moenia, castra, lares,
Quaeque patrum virtus et quae congesserat ipse,
Cedoal armipotens liquit amore Dei,
5
Ut Petrum sedemque Petri rex cerneret hospes,
Cuius fonte meras sumeret almus aquas,
Splendificumque iubar radianti carperet haustu,
Ex quo vivificus fulgor ubique fluit;
Percipiensque alacer recidivae praemia vitae,
10
Barbaricam rabiem nomen et inde suum
Conversus convertit ovans, Petrumque vocari
Sergius antistes iussit, ut ipse pater,
Fonte renascentis quem Christi gratia purgans
Protinus albatum vexit in arce poli.
15
Mira fides regis, clementia maxima Christi,
Cuius consilium nullus adire potest!
Sospes enim veniens supremo ex orbe Brittani
Per varias gentes, per freta perque vias,
Urbem Romuleam vidit templumque verendum
20
Aspexit Petri, mistica dona gerens.
Candidus inter oves Christi sociabilis ivit,
Corpore nam tumulum, mente superna tenet.
Commutasse magis sceptrorum insignia credas,
Quem regnum Christi promeruisse vides.
16. Hoc tempore aput Gallias Francorum regibus a soli[ta] fortitudine et scientia degenerantibus, hi qui maiores domui regalis esse videbantur administrare regni potentiam et quicquid regibus agere mos est coeperunt; quippe cum caelitus esse(t) dispositum, ad horum progeniem Francorum transvehi regnum. Fuitque eo tempore maior domus in regio palatio Arnulfus, vir, ut postmodum claruit, Deo amabilis et mirae sanctitatis. Qui post gloriam seculi Christi se servitio subdens, mirabilis in episcopatu extitit, ac demum heremiticam vitam eligens, leprosis universa praebens obsequia, continentissime vixit. De cuius mirabilibus apud Metensem ecclesiam, ubi episcopatum gessit, liber existit, eiusdem miracula et vitae abstinentiam continens. Sed et ego in libro quem de episcopis eiusdem civitatis conscripsi flagitante Angelramno, viro mitissimo et sanctitate praecipuo, praefatae ecclesiae archiepiscopo, de hoc sacratissimo viro Arnulfo quaedam eius miranda conposui, quae modo superfluum duxi replicare.
17. Inter haec Cunincpert cunctis amabillimus princeps, postquam duodecim annos Langobardorum regnum post patrem solus obtenuit, tandem ab hac luce subtractus est. Hic in campo Coronate, ubi bellum contra Alahis gessit, in honore beati Georgii martyris monasterium construxit. Fuit autem vir elegans et omni bonitate conspicuus audaxque bellator. Hic cum multis Langobardorum lacrimis iuxta basilicam domini Salvatoris, quam quondam avus eiusdem Aripert construxerat, sepultus est. Regnumque Langobardorum Liutperto [700] filio adhuc puerilis aetatis reliquit, cui tutorem Ansprandum, virum sapientem et inlustrem contribuit.
18. Dehinc elapsis octo mensibus, Raginpertus [701] dux Taurinensium, quem quondam rex Godipertus, cum extingueretur a Grimualdo, reliquerat parvolum, de quo et superius diximus, cum valida manu veniens, adversus Ansprandum et Rotharit Bergomensium ducem apud Novarias conflixit, eosque in campo exsuperans, regnum Langobardorum invasit. Sed eodem anno mortuus est.
19. Tunc filius eius Aripert iterum bellum parans, pugnavit cum Liutperto rege aput Ticinum cumque Ansprando et Atone et Tatzone necnon et Rotharit ac Faraone. Sed omnes hos bello exsuperans, Liutpertum infantulum vivum in bello conprehendit. Ansprand quoque fugiens, in insulam se Commacinam conmunivit.
20. At vero Rotharit dux Bergamum civitatem suam rediens, regnum arripuit. Contra quem rex Aripert cum magno exercitu proficiscens, expugnata primum et capta Laude, Bergamum obsedit, eamque cum arietibus et diversis belli machinis sine aliqua difficultate expugnans mox cepit, conprehensumque Rotharit pseudoregem, eius caput barbamque radens, Taurinis in exilium trusit, quique ibidem post aliquot dies peremptus est. Liutpertum vero, quem ceperat, pari modo in balneo vita privavit.
21. Misit quoque exercitum adversus Ansprandum in insulam Commacinam. Quo conperto, Ansprand fugiit Clavennam; deinde per Curiam Retorum civitatem venit ad Theutpertum Baioariorum ducem, et fuit cum eo per annos novem. Exercitus vero Ariperti insulam in qua Ansprand fuerat invadens, eius oppidum diruit.
22. Rex igitur Aripert [701-712], confirmato regno, Sigiprandum, Ansprandi filium, oculis privavit omnesque qui ei consanguinitate iuncti fuerant diversis modis afflixit. Minorem quoque Ansprandi filium Liutprandum in custodia tenuit; quem quia despicabilem personam et adhuc adulescentulum esse perspexit, non solum in eius corpore vindictam aliquam minime ingessit, sed eum, ut ad patrem suum pergeret, abire permisit. Quod Dei omnipotentis nutu factum fuisse, qui eum ad regni gubernacula praeparabat, dubium non est. Igitur Liutprand ad patrem suum in Baioariam profectus, ei de suo adventu inaestimabile gaudium fecit. Uxorem vero Ansprandi Theodoradam nomine rex Aripert conprehendi fecit. Quae cum se voluntate feminea reginam futuram esse iactaret, naso atque auribus abscisis, decore suae faciei deturpata est. Pari etiam modo et germana Liutprandi nomine Aurona deformis effecta est.
23. Hoc tempore aput Gallias in Francorum regnum Anschis, Arnulfi filius, qui de nomine Anschise quondam Troiani creditur appellatus, sub nomine maioris domui gerebat principatum.
24. Mortuo quoque aput Foroiuli Adone, quem dixeramus lociservatorem fuisse, Ferdulfus ducatum suscepit, qui de partibus Liguriae extitit, homo lubricus et elatus. Qui dum victoriae laudem de Sclavis habere cupiit, magna sibi et Foroiulanis detrimenta invexit. Is praemia quibusdam Sclavis dedit, ut exercitum Sclavorum in eandem provinciam sua adhortatione inmitterent. Quod ita quoque effectum est. Causa autem magnae in eadem Foroiulana provincia perditionis ista fuit. Inruerunt latrunculi Sclavorum super greges et pastores ovium, quae in eorum vicinia pascebantur, et de eis praedas abigerunt. Subsecutus est hos rector loci illius, quem «sculdahis» lingua propria dicunt, vir nobilis animoque et viribus potens; sed tamen eosdem latrunculos adsequi non potuit. Cui exinde revertenti dux Ferdulfus obviam factus est. Quem dum interrogaret, quid de illis latrunculis factum esset, Argait ei - sic enim nomen habebat -, eosdem fugisse, respondit. Tunc ei Ferdulfus indignans ita locutus est: «Quando tu aliquid fortiter facere poteras, qui Argait ab arga nomen deductum habes?». Cui ille maxima stimulatus ira, ut erat vir fortis, ita respondit: «Sic velit Deus, ut non antea ego et tu, dux Ferdulfe, exeamus de hac vita, quam cognoscant alii, quis ex nobis magis est arga». Haec cum sibi invicem vulgaria verba locuti fuissent, contigit non post multos dies, ut exercitus Sclavorum, pro quorum adventu dux Ferdulfus praemia dederat, cum magnis viribus adventaret. Qui cum castra in summo montis vertice posuissent, et pene ex omni parte difficile esset ad eos accedere, Ferdulfus dux cum exercitu superveniens, coepit eundem montem circuire, ut per loca planiora super eos possit inruere. Tunc Argait, de quo praemisimus, ita Ferdulfo dixit: «Memento, dux Ferdulf, quod me esse inertem et inutilem dixeris et vulgari verbo arga vocaveris. Nunc autem ira Dei veniat super illum, qui posterior e nobis ad hos Sclavos accesserit». Et haec dicens, verso equo, per asperitatem montis, unde gravis erat ascensus, ad castra contendere coepit Sclavorum. Ferdulfus vero opprobrium ducens, si non ipse per eadem difficilia loca super Sclavos inruerit, eum per aspera quaeque et difficilia inviaque loca secutus est. Quem suus exercitus, turpe ducens ducem non sequi, subsequi et ipse coepit. Videntes itaque Sclavi eos per devexa loca super se venire, praeparaverunt se viriliter, et magis lapidibus ac securibus quam armis contra eos pugnantes, pene omnes deiectos equis perimerunt. Sicque victoriam non viribus, sed casu adepti sunt. Ibi omnis nobilitas periit Foroiulanorum; ibi Ferdulfus dux cecidit; ibi et ille qui eum provocaverat extinctus est. Tantique ibi viri fortes per contentionis malum et inprovidentiam debellati sunt, quanti possent per unam concordiam et salubre consilium multa milia sternere aemulorum. Ibi tamen unus e Lango bardis nomine Munichis, qui pater post Petri Foroiulani et Ursi Cenetensis ducum extitit, solus fortiter et viriliter fecit. Is cum de equo eiectus esset, et eum unus e Sclavis subito invadens eius manus fune conligasset, ipse manibus ligatis lanceam ab eiusdem Sclavi dextera extrahens, eum cum ipsa percussit, et ligatus per aspera se loca deiciens evasit. Haec ideo vel maxime in hac posuimus historia, ne quid aliquid per contentionis malum simile contingat.
25. Mortuo itaque Ferdulfo duce hoc modo, in eius loco ordinatus est Corvolus. Qui pauco tempore ducatum tenens, dum regem offendisset, evulsis oculis dedecorose vixit.
26. Deinceps vero Pemmo ducatum promeruit, qui fuit homo ingeniosus et utilis patriae. Hic patre genitus Billone, qui de Belluno fuerat, sed propter seditionem, quam illuc fecerat, in Forumiuli post veniens, ibi pacifice vixit. Hic Pemmo habuit coniugem Ratpergam nomine; quae cum esset facie rusticana, saepe maritum deprecata est, ut se dimissa aliam uxorem duceret, quam tanti ducis coniugem esse deceret. Sed ipse, ut erat vir sapiens, plus eius mores et humilitatem verecundamque pudicitiam quam corporis pulchritudinem sibi conplacere, dicebat. De hac igitur coniuge tres Pemmo filios, hoc est Ratchis et Ratchait et Ahistulfum, viros strenuos, genuit. Quorum nativitas humilitatem matris ad gloriam erexit. Qui dux, congregatis omnium nobilium qui in bello de quo diximus obierant filiis, sic eos cum suis natis pariter nutrivit, ac si et ipsi ab eo geniti fuissent.
27. Hac denique aetate Gisulfus Beneventanorum ductor Suram Romanorum civitatem, Hirpinum atque Arcim pari modo oppida cepit. Qui Gisulfus tempore Iohannis papae cum omni sua virtute Campaniam venit, incendia et depraedationes faciens, multos captivorum cepit et usque in locum qui Horrea dicitur castrametatus est, nullusque ei resistere potuit. Ad hunc pontifex missis sacerdotibus cum apostolicis donariis, universos captivos de eorum manibus redimit ipsumque ducem cum suo exercitu ad propria repedare fecit.
28. Hoc tempore Aripertus rex Langobardorum donationem patrimonii Alpium Cottiarum, quae quondam ad ius pertinuerat apostolicae sedis, sed a Langobardis multo tempore fuerat ablata, restituit et hanc donationem aureis exaratam litteris Romam direxit. His etiam diebus duo reges Saxonum ad vestigia apostolorum Romam venientes, sub velocitate, ut optabant, defuncti sunt.
29. Tunc quoque venit Benedictus archiepiscopus Mediolanensis Romam et causam egit pro ecclesia Ticinensi; sed victus est, eo quod a priscis temporibus Ticinenses episcopi a Romana fuerant ecclesia consecrati. Fuit autem isdem venerabilis Benedictus archiepiscopus vir egregiae sanctitatis, de quo per universam Italiam bonae opinionis fama flagravit.
30. Igitur defuncto Transamundo duce Spolitanorum, Farualdus, eius filius, in loco patris est subrogatus. Denique Wachilapus germanus fuit Transamundi et cum fratre pariter eundem rexit ducatum.
31. At vero Iustinianus, qui amisso principatu in Ponto exulabat, auxilio Terebelli Bulgarum regis regnum rursus recipiens, eos qui se expulerant patricios occidit. Leonem quoque et Tiberium, qui locum eius usurpaverant, cepit et in medio circo coram omni populo iugulari fecit. Gallicinum vero patriarcham Constantinopolitanum erutis oculis Romam misit Cyrumque abbatem, qui eum in Ponto exulem aluerat, episcopum in loco Gallicini constituit. Hic Constantinum papam ad se venire iubens, honorifice suscepit ac remisit; quem prostratus in terra pro suis peccatis intercedere rogans, cuncta eius ecclesiae privilegia renovavit. Qui cum exercitum in Pontum mitteret ad conprehendendum Filippicum, quem ibi religaverat, multum eum isdem venerabilis papa prohibuit, ne hoc facere deberet; sed tamen inhibere non potuit.
32. Exercitus quoque, qui missus contra Filippicum fuerat, ad partem se Filippici contulit eumque imperatorem fecit. Qui Constantinopolim contra Iustinianum veniens, cum eo ab Urbe miliario duodecimo pugnavit, vicit et occidit regnumque eius adeptus est. Imperavit autem Iustinianus cum filio Tiberio in hac secunda vice annos sex. Quem Leo in expulsione illius naribus detruncavit; qui post iterum adsumpto imperio, quotiens defluentem guttam reumatis manu detersit, pene totiens aliquem ex iis qui contra eum fuerant iugulari praecepit.
33. Mortuo denique his diebus patriarcha Petro, regimen Aquileiensis ecclesiae suscepit Serenus, qui fuit vir simplicitate praeditus et ad Christi servitium pronus.
34. At vero Filippicus, qui et Bardanis dictus est, postquam in imperiali dignitate confirmatus est, Cyrum, de quo dixeramus, de pontificatu eiecto, ad gubernandum monasterium suum Pontum redire praecepit. Hic Filippicus Constantino papae litteras pravi docmatis direxit, quas ille cum apostolicae sedis concilio respuit; et huius rei causa fecit picturas in porticu sancti Petri, quae gesta sex sanctarum sinodorum universalium retinent. Nam et huiusmodi picturas, cum haberentur in urbe regia, Filippicus iusserat auferri. Statuit populus Romanus, ne heretici imperatoris nomen aut chartas aut figuram solidi susciperent. Unde nec eius effigies in ecclesia introducta est, nec nomen ad missarum sollempnia prolatum. Hic cum annum unum et sex mensibus regnum gessisset, contra eum Anastasius, qui et Artemius dictus est, insurgens, eum regno expulit oculisque privavit, nec tamen occidit. Hic Anastasius litteras Constantino papae Romam per Scolasticum patricium et exarcum Italiae direxit, quibus se fautorem catholicae fidei et sancti sexti concilii praedicatorem esse declaravit.
35. Igitur postquam Ansprand aput Baioariam iam novem expletis annis exulasset, promoto tandem Teutperto, decimo anno Baioariorum ducto exercitu, venit Italiam pugnavitque cum Ariperto, et facta est ex utraque parte multa strages populorum. Sed quamvis ad extremum nox proelium dirimisset, certum tamen est, Baioarios terga praebuisse et Ariperti exercitum victorem ad castra remeasse. Sed dum Aripert in castris manere noluisset, sed potius Ticinum civitatem introisset, et suis hoc facto desperationem et adversariis audaciam praebuit. Qui postquam in civitatem regressus est, et sensisset, quia pro hoc facto suum exercitum offensum haberet, mox accepto consilio ut in Franciam fugeret, quantum sibi utile duxit e palatio aurum sustulit. Qui dum fluvium Ticinum gravatus auro transnatare voluisset, ibique corruens, suffocatus aquis extinctus est. Cuius in crastinum diem corpus inventum, in palatio ordinatum ac deinde ad basilicam domini Salvatoris, quam antiquus Aripert construxerat, prolatum ibique sepultum est. Hic in diebus quibus regnum tenuit noctu egrediens et hac illacque pergens, quid de eo a singulis civitatibus diceretur, per semet ipsum explorabat, ac diligenter, qualem iustitiam singuli iudices populo suo facerent, investigabat. Hic, advenientibus ad se exterarum gentium legatis, vilibus coram eis vestibus sive pelliciis utebatur; utque minus Italiae insidiarentur, numquam eis pretiosa vina vel ceterarum rerum delicias ministrabat. Regnavit autem cum patre Ragimperto sive solus usque ad annum duodecimum. Fuit quoque vir pius, elymosinis deditus ac iustitiae amator; in cuius temporibus terrae ubertas nimia, sed tempora fuere barbarica. Huius germanus Gumpertus eo tempore in Franciam fugiens, ibidem usque ad diem suae mortis permansit. Huic fuerunt filii tres, quorum qui maior natu extitit Ragimpertus nomine nostris in diebus Aurelianensem civitatem rexit. Post cuius Ariperti funus Ansprand [712] Langobardorum regnum potitus, tres solummodo menses regnavit; vir per omnia egregius et cuius sapientiae rari aequandi sunt. Cernentes Langobardi huius interitum, Liutprandum [712-744], eius filium, in regali constituunt solio; quod Ansprand dum adhuc viveret audiens, valde laetatus est.
36. Hoc tempore Anastasius imperator classem in Alexandriam contra Sarracenos direxit. Cuius exercitus ad alium versus consilium, ab itinere medio Constantinopolitanam urbem regressus, Theodosium orthodoxum inquirens, imperatorem elegit atque coactum in solio imperii confirmavit. Qui Theodosius aput Niceam civitatem Anastasium gravi proelio vicit. Datoque sibi sacramento, eum clericum fieri ac presbiterum fecit ordinari. Ipse vero ut regnum accepit, mox in regia urbe imaginem illam venerandam, in qua sanctae sinodus erant depictae et a Filippico fuerat deiecta, pristino in loco erexit. His diebus ita Tiberis fluvius inundavit, ut [extra] alveum suum egressus multa Romanae fecerit exitia civitati, ita ut in Via Lata ad unam et semis staturam excresceret atque a porta sancti Petri usque ad pontem Molvium aquae se descendentes coniungerent.
37. His temporibus multi Anglorum gentis nobiles et ignobiles, viri et feminae, duces et privati, divini amoris instinctu de Brittania Romam venire consuerunt. Aput regnum Francorum tunc temporis Pipinus optinebat principatum. Fuit autem vir mirae, audaciae, qui hostes suos statim adgrediendo conterebat. Nam supra quendam suum adversarium, Rhenum transgressus, cum uno tantum satellite suo inruit eumque in suo cubiculo residentem cum suis trucidavit. Bella quoque multa cum Saxonibus, et maxime cum Ratpoto Frisionum rege fortiter gessit. Hic et alios filios habuit; sed ex his praecipuus Carolus extitit, qui ei post in principatu successit.
38. At vero Liutprand rex cum in regno confirmatus esset, eum Rothari, eius consanguineus, perimere voluit. Is enim convivium ei in domo sua aput Ticinum praeparavit, in qua domo viros fortissimos, qui regem convivantem extinguerent, armatos abscondit. Quod cum Liutprando nuntiatum fuisset, eum ad palatium suum evocari praecepit. Quem, sicut ei dictum fuerat, loricam sub veste indutum, eum ipse manu pertractans, repperit. Qui Rothari cum se detectum cognovisset, statim post se exiliens spatham evaginavit, ut regem percuteret. Econtra rex suum ensem vagina exemit. Tunc unus e regiis satellitibus nomine Subo Rothari a tergo conprehendens, ab eo in fronte vulneratus est. Super quem Rothari et alii insilientes, eum ibidem occiderunt. Quattuor vero eius filii, qui non aderant, ubi inventi, ibi et perempti sunt. Fuit autem rex Liutprand vir multae audaciae, ita ut, cum eum duo armigeri eius occidere cogitarent, et hoc ei perlatum fuisset, in profundissimam silvam cum eis solus ingressus, mox evaginatum gladium contra eos tenens, eisdem, quia eum occidere cogitaverunt, inproperavit; quod ut facere deberent, hortatus est. Qui statim eius pedibus provoluti, ei sunt quae machinaverant cuncta professi. Et de aliis quoque hoc similiter fecit; sed tamen confessis mox tantae malitiae culpam pepercit.
39. Defuncto itaque Gisulfo Beneventano duce, Samnitum populum Romuald, eius filius, regendum suscepit.
40. Circa haec tempora Petronax, civis Brexianae urbis, divino amore conpunctus, Romam venit hortatuque tunc Gregorii apostolicae sedis papae huc Cassinum castrum petiit, atque ad sacrum corpus beati Benedicti patris perveniens, ibi cum aliquibus simplicibus viris iam ante residentibus habitare coepit. Qui eundem venerabilem virum Petronacem sibi seniorem statuerunt. Hic non post multum tempus, cooperante divina misericordia et suffragantibus meritis beati Benedicti patris, iamque evolutis fere centum et decem annis, ex quo locus ille habitatione hominum destitutus erat, multorum ibi monachorum, nobilium et mediocrium, ad se concurrentium pater effectus, sub sanctae regulae iugum et beati Benedicti institutione, reparatis habitaculis, vivere coepit atque hoc sanctum coenobium in statum quo nunc cernitur erexit. Huic venerabili viro Petronaci insequenti tempore sacerdotum praecipuus et Deo dilectus pontifex Zacharias plura adiutoria contulit, libros scilicet sanctae scripturae et alia quaeque quae ad utilitatem monasterii pertinent; insuper et regulam, quam beatus pater Benedictus suis sanctis manibus conscripsit, paterna pietate concessit. Monasterium vero beati Vincentii martyris, quod iuxta Vulturni fluminis fontem situm est, et nunc magna congregatione refulget, a tribus nobilibus fratribus, hoc est [Tato Taso et Paldo], iam tunc aedificatum, sicut viri eruditissimi Autperti eiusdem monasterii abbatis in volumine, quod de hac re conposuit, scripta significant. Superstite sane adhuc beato papa Gregorio Romanae sedis, Cumanum castrum a Langobardis Beneventanis pervasum est; sed a duce Neapolitano noctu superveniente quidam ex Langobardis capti, quidam perempti sunt. Castrum quoque ipsum a Romanis est receptum. Pro cuius castri redemptionem pontifex septuaginta libras auri, sicut primitus promiserat, dedit.
41. Inter haec defuncto imperatore Theodosio, qui uno solummodo imperium rexerat anno, eius in loco Leo Augustus subrogatur.
42. Aput Francorum quoque gentem Pipino vita exempto, eius filius Carolus, de quo praemiseramus, licet per multa bella et certamina, de manu Raginfridi principatum sustulit. Nam cum in custodia teneretur, divino nutu ereptus aufugit, ac primum contra Raginfridum cum paucis bis terque certamen iniit novissimeque eum aput Vinciacum magno certamine superavit. Cui tamen unam, hoc est Andegavensem, civitatem ad habitandum concessit; cunctamque vero Francorum gentem ipse gubernandam suscepit.
43. Eo tempore Liutprand rex donationem patrimonii Alpium Cottiarum Romanae ecclesiae confirmavit. Nec multum post idem regnator Guntrut, filiam Teutperti Baioariorum ducis, aput quem exularat, in matrimonium duxit; de qua unam solummodo filiam genuit.
44. Per haec tempora Faroaldus Spolitanorum ductor Classem civitatem Ravennantium invasit; sed iussu regis Liutprandi eisdem Romanis reddita est. Contra hunc Faroaldum ducem filius suus Transamundus insurrexit, eumque clericum faciens, locum eius invasit. His diebus Teudo Baioariorum dux gentis orationis gratia Romam ad beatorum apostolorum vestigia venit.
45. Aput Foroiuli igitur sublato e rebus humanis patriarcha Sereno, Calistus, vir egregius, qui erat Tarvisianae ecclesiae archidiaconus, adnitente Liutprando principe, Aquileiensem ecclesiam regendam suscepit. Quo, ut diximus, in tempore Pemmo Foroiulanis praeerat Langobardis. Is cum iam nobilium filios, quos cum suis natis nutrierat, [eos] iam ad iuvenilem perduxisset aetatem, repente ei nuntius venit, inmensam Sclavorum multitudinem in locum qui Lauriana dicitur adventasse. Cum quibus ille iuvenibus super eosdem Sclavos tercio inruens, magna eos clade prostravit; nec amplius ibi aliquis a parte Langobardorum cecidit quam Sicualdus, qui erat iam aetate grandaevus. Iste namque in superiori pugna, quae sub Ferdulfo facta est, duos filios amiserat. Qui cum prima et secunda vice iuxta voluntatem suam se de Sclavis ultus esset, tercia vice, prohibente duce et aliis Langobardis, non potuit inhiberi, sed ita eis respondit: «Iam satis» inquit «meorum filiorum mortem vindicavi, et iam, si advenerit, laetus suscipiam mortem». Factumque est, et ipse solus in eadem pugna peremptus est. Pemmo vero cum multos inimicorum prostravisset, metuens ne aliquem suorum amplius in bello perderet, cum eisdem Sclavis in eodem loco pacis concordiam iniit; atque ex illo iam tempore magis ac magis coeperunt Sclavi Foroiulanorum arma formidare.
46. Eo tempore gens Sarracenorum in loco qui Septem dicitur ex Africa transfretantes, universam Hispaniam invaserunt. Deinde post decem annos cum uxoribus et parvulis venientes, Aquitaniam Galliae provinciam quasi habitaturi ingressi sunt. Carolus siquidem cum Eudone Aquitaniae principe tunc discordiam habebat. Qui tamen in unum se coniungentes, contra eosdem Sarracenos pari consilio dimicarunt. Nam inruentes Franci super eos, trecenta septuaginta quinque milia Sarracenorum interimerunt; ex Francorum vero parte mille et quingenti tantum ibi ceciderunt. Eudo quoque cum suis super eorum castra inruens, pari modo multos interficiens, omnia devastavit.
47. Hoc etiam tempore eadem Sarracenorum gens cum inmenso exercitu veniens, Constantinopolim circumdedit ac continuo per triennium obsedit, donec, civibus multa instantia ad Deum clamantibus, plurimi eorum fame et frigore, bello pestilentiaque perirent, ac sic pertaesi obsidionis abscederent. Qui inde egressi, Vulgarum gentem, quae est super Danubium, bello adgrediuntur; et ab hac quoque victi, ad suas naves refugiunt. Quibus, cum altum peterent, inruente subita tempestate, plurimi etiam mersi sive contritis navibus perierunt. Intra Constantinopolim vero trecenta milia hominum pestilentia interierunt.
48. Liutprand quoque audiens, quod Sarraceni, depopulata Sardinia, etiam loca illa, ubi ossa sancti Augustini episcopi propter vastationem barbarorum olim translata et honorifice fuerant condita, foedarent, misit, et dato magno pretio, accepit et transtulit ea in urbem Ticinensem ibique cum debito tanto patri honore recondidit. His diebus Narnia civitas a Langobardis pervasa est.
49. Eoque tempore rex Liutprandus Ravennam obsedit, Classem invasit atque destruxit. Tunc Paulus patricius ex Ravenna misit qui pontificem interemerent; sed Langobardis pro defensione pontificis repugnantibus, Spoletinis in Salario ponte et ex aliis partibus Langobardis Tuscis resistentibus, consilium Ravennantium dissipatum est. Hac tempestate Leo imperator aput Constantinopolim sanctorum imagines depositas incendit Romanoque pontifici similia facere, si imperialem gratiam habere vellet, mandavit. Sed pontifex hoc facere contempsit. Omnis quoque Ravennae exercitus vel Venetiarum talibus iussis uno animo restiterunt, et nisi eos pontifex prohibuisset, imperatorem super se constituere sunt adgressi. Rex quoque Liutprand castra Emiliae, Feronianum et Montembellium, Buxeta et Persiceta, Bononiam et Pentapolim Auximumque invasit. Pari quoque modo tunc et Sutrium pervasit. Sed post aliquot dies iterum Romanis redditum est. Per idem tempus Leo Augustus ad peiora progressus est, ita ut conpelleret omnes Constantinopolim habitantes tam vi quam blandimentis, ut deponerent ubicumque haberentur imagines tam Salvatoris quamque eius sanctae genetricis vel omnium sanctorum, easque in medium civitatis incendio concremari fecit. Et quia plerique ex populo tale scelus fieri praepediebant, aliquanti ex eis capite truncati, alii parte corporis multati sunt. Cuius errori Germanus patriarcha non consentiens, a propria sede depulsus est, et eius in loco Anastasius presbiter ordinatus est.
50. Romoald denique dux Beneventi uxorem sortitus est Gumpergam nomine, quae fuit filia Auronae, Liutprandi regis sororis. De qua filium genuit, quem nomine sui patris Gisulfum appellavit. Habuit rursum post hanc et aliam coniugem nomine Ranigundam, filiam Gaidualdi Brexiani ducis.
51. Gravis sane per idem tempus inter Pemmonem ducem et Calistum patriarcham discordiae rixa surrexit. Causa autem huius discordiae ista fuit. Adveniens anteriore tempore Fidentius episcopus de castro Iuliensi, cum voluntate superiorum ducum intra Foroiulani castri muros habitavit ibique sui episcopatus sedem statuit. Quo vita decedente, Amator in eius loco episcopus ordinatus est. Usque ad eundem enim diem superiores patriarchae, quia in Aquileia propter Romanorum incursionem habitare minime poterant, sedem non in Foroiuli, sed in Cormones habebant. Quod Calisto, qui erat nobilitate conspicuus, satis displicuit, ut in eius diocesi cum duce et Langobardis episcopus habitaret et ipse tantum vulgo sociatus vitam duceret. Quid plura? Contra eundem Amatorem episcopum egit eumque de Foroiuli expulit atque in illius domo sibi habitationem statuit. Hac de causa Pemmo dux contra eundem patriarcham cum multis nobilibus Langobardis consilium iniit adprehensumque eum ad castellum Potium, quod supra mare situm est, duxit indeque eum in mare praecipitare voluit, sed tamen Deo inhibente minime fecit; intra carcerem tamen eum retentum pane tribulationis sustentavit. Quod rex Liutprand audiens, in magnam iram exarsit, ducatumque Pemmoni auferens, Ratchis, eius filium, in eius loco ordinavit. Tunc Pemmo cum suis disposuit, ut in Sclavorum patriam fugeret; sed Ratchis, eius filius, a rege supplicavit patremque in regis gratiam reduxit. Accepta itaque Pemmo fiducia, quod nihil mali pateretur, ad regem cum omnibus Langobardis, quibus consilium habuerat, perrexit. Tunc rex in iudicio residens, Pemmonem et eius duos filios Ratchait et Aistulfum Ratchis concedens, eos post suam sedem consistere praecepit. Rex vero elevata voce omnes illos qui Pemmoni adhaeserant nominative conprehendere iussit. Tunc Aistulfum dolorem non ferens, evaginato pene gladio regem percutere voluit, nisi eum Ratchis, suus germanus, cohibuisset. Hoc modo his Langobardis conprehensis, Herfemar, qui unus ex eis fuerat, evaginato gladio, multis se insequentibus, ipse se viriliter defensans, in basilica beati Michahelis confugit, ac deinde regis indulgentia solus inpunitatem promeruit, ceteris longo tempore in vinculis excruciatis.
52. Ratchis denique aput Foroiuli dux, ut dixeramus, effectus, in Carniolam Sclavorum patriam cum suis ingressus, magnam multitudinem Sclavorum interficiens, eorum omnia devastavit. Ubi cum Sclavi super eum subito inruissent, et ipse adhuc lanceam suam ab armigero non abstulisset, eum qui primus ei occurrit clava, quam manu gestabat, percutiens, eius vitam extinxit.
53. Circa haec tempora Carolus princeps Francorum Pipinum suum filium ad Liutprandum direxit, ut eius iuxta morem capillum susciperet. Qui eius caesariem incidens, ei pater effectus est multisque eum ditatum regiis muneribus genitori remisit.
54. Per idem tempus Sarracenorum exercitus rursum in Galliam introiens, multam devastationem fecit. Contra quos Carolus non longe a Narbone bellum committens, eos sicut et prius maxima caede prostravit. Iterato Sarraceni Gallorum fines ingressi, usque ad Provinciam venerunt, et capta Arelate, omnia circumquaque demoliti sunt. Tunc Carolus legatos cum muneribus ad Liutprandum regem mittens, ab eo contra Sarracenos auxilium poposcit; qui nihil moratus cum omni Langobardorum exercitu in eius adiutorium properavit. Quo conperto gens Sarracenorum mox ab illis regionibus aufugit; Liutprandus vero cum omni suo exercitu ad Italiam rediit. Insequenti quoque tempore Romani, elatione solita turgidi, congregati universaliter, habentes in capite Agathonem Perusinorum ducem, venerunt ut Bononiam conprehenderent, ubi tunc Walcari, Peredeo et Rotcari morabantur in castris. Qui super Romanos inruentes, multam de eis stragem fecerunt reliquosque fugam petere conpulerunt. Multa idem regnator contra Romanos bella gessit, in quibus semper victor extitit, praeter quod semel in Arimino eo absente eius exercitus caesus est, et alia vice, cum aput vicum Pilleum, rege in Pentapoli demorante, magna multitudo horum qui regi munuscula vel exenia vel singularum ecclesiarum benedictiones deferebant, a Romanis inruentibus caesa vel capta est. Rursus cum Ravennam Hildeprandus, regis nepos, et Peredeo Vicentinus dux optinerent, inruentibus subito Veneticis, Hildeprandus ab eis captus est, Peredo viriliter pugnans occubuit.
55. His diebus Transamundus contra regem rebellavit. Super quem rex cum exercitu veniens, ipse Transamundus Romam fuga petiit. In cuius loco Hildericus ordinatus est. Mortuo autem Romualdo iuniore Beneventanorum duce, qui viginti et sex ducatum tenuerat annis, Gisulfus, eius filius adhuc parvolus, remansit. Contra quem aliqui insurgentes, eum moliti sunt extinguere; sed Beneventanorum populus, qui suis ductoribus semper fidelis extitit, eos perimerunt, sui ducis vitam servantes. Qui Gisulfus dum adhuc propter aetatem puerilem idoneus ad tantum populum regendum non esset, Liutprand rex Beneventum tunc veniens, eum exinde abstulit et aput Beneventum suum nepotem Gregorium ducem ordinavit, cui in matrimonio uxor sociata Giselperga nomine fuit. Ita rex Liutprand rebus conpositis ad suum solium remeavit; Gisulfumque suum nepotem paterna pietate erudiens, ei Scaunipergam nobili ortam progenie in matrimonium iunxit. Ipse rex eo tempore in langorem decidens, morti adproximavit. Quem Langobardi vita excedere existimantes, eius nepotem Hildeprandum foras muros civitatis ad basilicam sanctae Dei genetricis, quae Ad Perticas dicitur, regem levaverunt. Cui dum contum, sicut moris est, traderent, in eius conti summitate cuculus avis volitando veniens insedit. Tunc aliquibus prudentibus hoc portentum visum est significari, eius principatum inutilem fore. Rex autem Liutprand cum hoc cognovisset, non aequo animo accepit; tamen de infirmitate convalescens, eum regni sui consortem habuit. Evolutis dehinc aliquot annis, Transamundus, qui Romam fugerat, Spoletium rediens, Hildericum extinxit rursumque contra regem rebellionis audaciam sumpsit.
56. At vero Gregorius dum aput Beneventum annis septem ducatum gessisset, vita exemptus est. Post cuius obitum Godescalcus dux effectus, annis tribus Beneventanis. praefuit; cui in coniugio uxor sociata nomine Anna fuit. Rex igitur Liutprand talia de Spoletio sive Benevento audiens, rursum cum exercitu Spoletium petiit. Qui Pentapolim veniens, dum a Fano civitate Forum Simphronii pergeret, in silva, quae in medio est, Spoletini se cum Romanis sociantes, magna incommoda regis exercitui intulerunt. Qui rex in novissimo loco Ratchis [744-749, 756-757] ducem et eius fratrem Aistulfum [749-756] cum Foroiulanis constituit. Supra quos Spoletini et Romani inruentes, aliquos ex eis vulneraverunt. Sed tamen Ratchis cum suo germano et aliquibus viris fortissimis omne illud pugnae pondus sustinentes viriliterque certantes, multisque trucidatis, se suosque exinde, praeter ut dixi paucis sauciatis, eximerunt. Ibi quidam Spoletinorum fortissimus Berto nomine nominative Ratchis adclamans, armis instructus super eum venit. Quem Ratchis subito percutiens, equo deiecit. Cumque eum eius socii perimere vellent, eum pietate solita fugere permisit. Qui manibus pedibusque reptans, silvam ingressus evasit. Super Aistulfum vero in quodam ponte duo fortissimi Spoletini a tergo venientes, unum eorum aversa cuspide feriens de eodem ponte deiecit, alterum vero, subito ad eum conversus, vita privatum post socium mersit.
57. At vero Liutprand Spoletium perveniens, Transamundum ducatu expulit eumque clericum fecit. Cuius in loco Agiprandum, suum nepotem, constituit. Cum vero Beneventum properaret, Gotscalcus, audito eius adventu, na vem conscendere atque in Greciam fugere molitus est. Qui postquam uxorem et cuncta supellectilem suam in navi inposuisset et novissime ipse ascendere vellet, inruentibus Beneventanis, Gisulfi fidelibus, extinctus est. Uxor sane illius cum omnibus quae habebat Constantinopolim perlata est.
58. Tunc rex Liutprandus Beneventum perveniens, Gisulfum, suum nepotem, iterum in loco proprio ducem constituit. Rebusque ita conpositis, ad suum palatium remeavit. Hic gloriosissimus rex multas in Christi honore per singula loca ubi degere solebat basilicas construxit. Hic monasterium beati Petri, quod foras muros Ticinensis civitatis situm est et Coelum Aureum appellatur, instituit. In summa quoque Bardonis Alpe monasterium quod Bercetum dicitur aedificavit. In Olonna nihilominus suo proastio miro opere in honore sancti Anastasii martyris Christi domicilium statuit, in quo et monasterium fecit. Pari etiam modo multa per loca singula divina templa instituit. Intra suum quoque palatium oraculum domini Salvatoris aedificavit, et quod nulli alii reges habuerant, sacerdotes et clericos instituit, qui ei cotidie divina officia decantarent. Huius regis temporibus fuit in loco cui Forum nomen est, iuxta fluvium Tanarum, vir mirae sanctitatis Baodolinus nomine, qui multis miraculis, Christi gratia suffragante, refulsit. Qui saepe futura praedixit, absentia quoque quasi praesentia nuntiavit. Denique cum rex Liutprand in Urbem silvam venatum isset, unus ex eius comitibus cervum sagitta percutere nisus, eiusdem regis nepotem, hoc est sororis eius filium, Aufusum nomine, nolens sauciavit. Quod rex cernens - valde enim eundem puerum amabat - cum lacrimis eius incommodum lamentari coepit statimque unum e suis equitem misit, qui ad virum Dei Baodolinum curreret eumque peteret, ut pro vita eiusdem pueri Christum supplicaret. Qui cum ad servum Dei pergeret, puer defunctus est. Cui Christi famulus ad se pervenienti ita dixit: «Scio, quam ob causam veneris; sed illud quod postulare missus es iam fier .i non potest, quia puer ille defunctus est». Quod cum is qui missus fuerat regi quod a servo Dei audierat renuntiasset, rex, licet doluerit, quod effectum supplicationis suae habere non potuit, tamen quia vir Domini Baodolinus prophetiae spiritum habuerit, aperte cognovit. Huic quoque non dissimilis aput Veronensem civitatem Teudelapius nomine fuit, qui inter miranda quae patrabat praesago etiam spiritu multa quae erant ventura praedixit. Eo quoque tempore floruit vita vel actibus Ticinensis ecclesiae episcopus Petrus, qui quia regis erat consanguineus, ab Ariperto quondam rege aput Spoletium exilio fuerat retrusus. Huic beati martyris Savini ecclesiam frequentanti isdem venerabilis martyr praenuntiavit, quod episcopus aput Ticinum futurus esset. Qui postea, cum factum fuisset, basilicam eidem beato martyri Savino in solo proprio aput eandem civitatem construxit. Hic inter reliquas optimae vitae quas habuit virtutes etiam virginitatis flore decoratus enituit. Cuius nos aliquod miraculum, quod posteriori tempore gestum est, in loco proprio ponemus. At vero Liutprand, postquam triginta et uno annis septemque mensibus regnum optenuit, iam aetate maturus huius vitae cursum explevit; corpusque eius in basilica beati Adriani martyris, ubi et eius genitor requiescit, sepultum est. Fuit autem vir multae sapientiae, consilio sagax, pius admodum et pacis amator, belli praepotens, delinquentibus clemens, castus, pudicus, orator pervigil, elemosinis largus, litterarum quidem ignarus, sed philosophis aequandus, nutritor gentis, legum augmentator. Hic initio regni sui Baioariorum plurima castra cepit, plus semper orationibus quam armis fidens, maxima semper cura Francorum Avarumque pacem custodiens.
Finit liber sextus.
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historia_Langobardorum
http://www.thule-italia.org/Nordica/Paul%20the%20Deacon%20-%20History%20of%20the%20Lombards%20(1907)%20%5BEN%5D.pdf
http://www.hs-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost08/PaulusDiaconus/pau_lan0.html
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